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Although important incidents of misleading information related to the global COVID-19 pandemic have been examined by both journalists and academics, the various sources of such information and the magnitude of its impact have yet to be fully comprehended. Additionally, there are cases and contexts that are underrepresented in current studies. To address this gap, this article examines the online social milieux of labour migrants from Uzbekistan to Russia as potential source of misleading information related to COVID-19. Specifically, this article looks at discussions and posts shared on thematic groups across social media platforms such as Odnoklassniki, VKontakte, Facebook, and Telegram through a netnographic lens, identifying five COVID-19-related narrative clusters: 'the remedy,' 'practical information,' 'the news,' 'asking for help,' and 'conspiracies and religion.' As all these narrative clusters have been found to contain misleading information, the article initiates a discussion on the role that thematic social media groups can play in (dis)informing labour migrants.

This paper discusses the impact of COVID-19 on the recent positive turn in the dynamics of
regional water cooperation (the so-called 'water thaw') in Central Asia, starting from the
research question whether the pandemic could challenge the emerging cooperation of the
'water thaw'. In order to explore this, the analysis is divided into three parts. First, it examines
the effects of the pandemic on the economic, social, and political variables influencing water related issues. The analysis of these intervening variables shows how the adverse impact of the pandemic on different areas has the potential to challenge regional water cooperation. In
the second part, the research focuses on recent events and developments related to regional
cooperation. Regional cooperation makes another important intervening variable to test the
connection between the impact of the pandemic and regional water cooperation because the
likelihood of the development of water cooperation is higher when regional cooperation
functions well in general. The third part examines the functioning of regional cooperation in
two extremely sensitive cases of interstate water-related tensions during the pandemic,
namely the Sardoba dam catastrophe in 2020 and the Kyrgyz-Tajik conflict in 2021.

In an attempt to address the debate among social science scholars regarding whether or not online political engagement is a legitimate form of political participation and exercise of transnational citizenship, this study investigates the conditions under which migrants engage politically with virtual communities; when and how online participation spills over to real-world social mobilization; and whether cross-border online-offline political participation creates a new form of transnational citizenship. Content analysis of virtual social media groups and pages on VKontakte, Odnoklassniki and Facebook demonstrates that, although migrants are not likely to routinely participate in, initiate, or continuously engage with political conversations on these platforms, crisis conditions, such as the October revolution in 2020, the first COVID wave the summer of that same year, and the Kyrgyz-Tajik border conflict in April-May 2021, trigger bursts of political activism on social media which carry over to the real-world in the form of fundraising and protest mobilization.

Since its announcement in 2013, the Belt and Road Initiative has generated a prolific commentary in global news media and academia. Beyond merely chronicling China's economic diplomacy in the developing world, a mixture of speculative analysis and 'connectivity' hyperbole has attempted to compensate for the lack of official guidance from Beijing. Hypotheses attempting to explain the proposed-scale and timing of the initiative have ranged from pragmatic evaluations of the domestic economic pressures facing the party leadership, to assumptions of geopolitical hegemony and the implied influence of the People's Liberation Army. Chinese institutions have been key drivers of this media phenomenon but individual sub-narratives have also enjoyed their own impetus. Some of these build on pre-existing discursive trends that were globally-recognizable by the mid-2000s, some rely more on events unique to the Belt and Road Initiative and the international geopolitical context of the long decade that followed the Global Financial Crisis. This paper traces the evolution of this 'Belt and Road Decade' in media and academia, and presents the case for both its singularity, reliance on a broader zeitgeist and arguably, its expired utility for Beijing in the 2020s. The paper concludes by reconciling the optimism and scepticism of BRI punditry with the empirical markers for China's development and foreign relations in the present day

The policy brief is dedicated to the theorization of current international relations in the post-Soviet area.1 The author comes to the conclusion that international order in the region can be characterized as a "Non-hegemonic cooperation" model, developed by the American political scientist Robert Keohane. The model refers to a system which does not need to be maintained by any hegemon. Instead of being controlled by only one actor, it is regulated by a framework of institutions and cooperation regimes. This model is the best characterization of the region, as currently there is no hegemon in the area able to control its international order. Instead of this, there are five important regime-making actors in the region that create the rules of cooperation. The author finds that the situation of the "Non-hegemonic cooperation" is convenient to all former Soviet states because it is in line with their foreign policy priorities, and further maintenance of this system is beneficial for all members.

Environmental disasters and climate induced challenges heavily impact people's livelihoods, especially those in the poorest segments of society who lack the adaptive resources and capabilities to respond accordingly. Despite the ever-growing importance of the nexus between climate change, the environment, and migration, this topic remains largely understudied in Kyrgyzstan. Climate induced (drought, abnormal rainfall, early frost) and fast-onset (mudflow, flood, landslide) and slow-onset (land degradation, soil erosion, etc.) environmental disasters have direct and indirect impacts on migration, all of which serve as drivers for rural outmigration. Due to limited working opportunities and a lack of adaptive capacity to environmental change in rural areas, many choose to migrate to internal urban centers or abroad.

Based on qualitative research conducted in two villages of Batken and Naryn provinces in Kyrgyzstan, we found that a lack of insurance mechanisms, high rates of bank and informal loans, and insufficient social support from the government make it difficult for many of the poorest to respond to environmental shocks when they happen. The migration strategy helps rural households to react and respond to shocks and for some it is their only option. For such households, remittances play a crucial role by helping to cover vital household expenses. Therefore, migration serves as a coping strategy to overcome environmental, social, and economic difficulties and as an adaptation strategy by generally leading to more resilient livelihoods and long-term investments.

In March, China and Iran signed a 25-year Strategic Cooperation Agreement in Tehran. The agreement reportedly provides for up to $400 billion of direct investment, reflecting earlier commitments made during Xi's landmark visit in 2016. This year's ceremony, attended by Foreign Minster Wang, coincided with the half centenary of the establishment of bilateral relations, and some commentators have hailed the agreement as marking a major strategic re-alignment. The reality is more complex, but the trajectory of Sino-Iranian relations is a pivotal one, particularly for Central Asia, the region separating two states that routinely eulogize each other in 'civilizational' terms. Tangible markers for a Sino-Iranian 'axis' in the region are noticeably absent however and the shared 'New Silk Road' vision has been stifled by sanctions, poor connectivity and regional wariness towards Tehran's revolutionary agenda. This policy brief reviews the China-Iran strategic relationship and identifies four key vectors for its future development in the region.

"If they can exit the meeting with smiles and handshakes rather than scowls and accusations, it will already mark progress" - wrote Bruce Pannier before the Central Asian Summit of 2018, a breakthrough in the region's previously hostile water relations, and he was right. Recent water-related developments in Central Asia are significant for simply taking place after almost a decade without regional cooperation initiatives. However, moving beyond the restoration of diplomatic dialogue and the promising but rather general water-related statements that followed, Central Asian countries need to take binding commitments for the practical implementation of the proposed joint frameworks. Continuing regional dialogue on transboundary water resources is a core element in this, as is the prevention of reescalation under the deteriorating conditions of water scarcity. Nonetheless, extending the practices of cooperation in a region formerly ridden with extensive tensions is not without difficulties. Leaning on technical expertise, increasing information sharing, and implementing infrastructure development projects, however, may contribute to raising cooperation to the level where the renegotiation of the Central Asian water regime may also become possible.

Central Asia's emergence into independence necessitated adapting higher education systems originally intended to train state cadres to the new realities of the free market and globalisation. Transnational higher education institutions (TNHEIs) - institutions that provide higher education services and award higher education degrees either from foreign institutions or via foreign pedagogical systems - have been at the forefront of reform. Arguably, a 'boom' of TNHEIs has been occuring in the region: as of 2021, there are at least 67 TNHEIs across the five Central Asian republics. Beneath the surface, though, are numerous problems, as TNHEIs struggle to sustain themselves and provide quality education, while local governments pursue discordant strategies that complicate the situation.

Despite frequent rhetorical statements from both countries, the full development of Turkish-Turkmen relations has been limited to certain economic sectors, and even then, has excluded the crucial sector of energy. There has also not been any real progress on the political front, such as persuading Turkmenistan, which has staunchly adhered to a strategy of neutrality, to join the Turkic Council. This policy brief will outline a three decades' long international relationship that has been first and foremost propagandistic in nature, especially for the Turkmen government.

This policy brief maps how Russia intentionally and unintentionally influences Kyrgyz politics, economy, society and culture, while exploring what challenges this influence might pose for the Kyrgyz government if it is left unchecked and unaddressed, and provides recommendations on how Kyrgyz policy makers could address these challenges. In particular, three key challenges are identified. First, the Kyrgyz Republic demonstrates a strong path dependence in its decision and policy making. While 2021 marks the 30th anniversary of the country's independence, Kyrgyz policy makers continue the course of their Soviet predecessors, who largely depended on Moscow to design and implement legislation and policies. In the independent Kyrgyz Republic, this practice borders on state-level plagiarism. Second, there is a challenge of overwhelming dependence on Russia. Kyrgyz financial, economic, military and security dependence on Russia is conditioned by the Kyrgyz Republic's economic and geopolitical position. However, this dependence is excessive and serves neither Kyrgyz nor Russian long-term interests. Finally, the Kyrgyz leadership needs to understand, take stock and make the most of Russia's soft power instruments in the country. Using soft power in third countries has become a conventional foreign policy tool to pursue the national interests and global aspirations of soft-power superpowers. Russia's use of soft power is more defined and assertive than it has been, which calls for a shift of long-term strategic thinking on the Kyrgyz side.

Research forms a considerable proportion of understanding about the work and impact of the OSCE. Recognising this crucial role of knowledge production, complex interregionalism is the suggested framework for future analysis of the role that the OSCE, its Economic and Environmental Dimension, and the Environment and Security Initiative play in comprehensive (co-)governing of security in Europe. Climate change, as a general risk multiplier and an issue that has been a subject of measures adopted by several international and Europe-based organizations, allows for taking a fresh look at the earlier OSCE achievements, such as those accomplished via environmental confidence-building measures. Amidst the evolving understanding of the risk perception in Europe, past successes could be brought forward in a tailored manner by several strands of the Economic and Environmental Dimension. The recently commenced Decade of Action is an opportunity to strengthen the founding spirit of the Helsinki Final Act in alignment with the most recent considerations of comprehensive security. Reinvigorated attention to the complementarities delivered by other key European forums deserves further attention to discern the unique value-added delivery by the OSCE and the sustainability of its achieved results.

The border incident that took place in the Galwan Valley on June 15th and resulted in casualties - the first in over forty-five years - has severely deteriorated relations between India and China and caught analysts and policymakers off guard. The incident marks the end of the diplomatic phase commonly referred to as "the Wuhan spirit" or "the Wuhan consensus." Initiated by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2017 and consisting of a series of summits with the Chinese President Xi Jinping, the purpose of "the Wuhan spirit" was to reset relations between the two countries, stabilize the border areas, and focus on issues of common interest. It is unclear what China was attempting to achieve by unnecessarily antagonizing a neighbor large enough to balance against its rise, but that was also willing to build a stable and pragmatic relationship at a time when Beijing is facing an increasingly challenging international environment. Going forward, India will most likely continue to invest in issue based coalitions by strengthening security and defense cooperation with a number of like-minded middle powers.

This policy brief reviews the current level of digitalization and technological development in Central Asia and gives preliminary recommendations to support a deepened digital cooperation in the region. The under-representation of some Central Asian countries in international rankings on digitalization makes a cross-country comparison more complicated. It requires an improved quality of work by statistical agencies of the respective countries, providing transparent and open data and following common definitions for the digital economy. Likewise, the inclusion of an intra-regional component into the national digitalization strategies would help to better exploit the digital potential of Central Asia. In a practical way, such a component would imply the creation of cross-border science centers, technology parks, sharing best practices and experiences, and establishing cross-border digital regulatory sandboxes. Harmonization of digital standards by the Central Asian countries would contribute to the reduction of non-tariff barriers - being one of the major market distortions. Cooperation in digital customs would lower corruption risks at the borders, decrease trade costs and increase clearance speed.

Each Chinese administration since 1991 has showed different styles of engagement with Central Asia. While the significance of Central Asia has remained largely unchanged, these policy differences under each Chinese administration have been led by domestic drivers of foreign policy. Under the Jiang administration, policy towards Central Asia reacted to weak international bargaining power coupled with a Soviet-influenced Chinese government. This has resulted in a careful, impactful policy on the ground. Driven by the Chinese economic miracle, the Hu administration implemented various strategies to bring closer the Chinese and Central Asian economies. For the Xi administration, an ideologically driven foreign policy in Central Asia has failed to pursue a clear actionable policy in the region compared to previous administrations. China-Central Asia relations post-COVID19 will be largely driven by how quickly the Chinese economy recovers, when financing becomes available to kick-start Xi's Belt and Road Initiative. The key to the argument in this policy brief is that analytical examination of Chinese foreign policy in Central Asia (and elsewhere) must in the first instance take into account China's domestic factors given their capacity to influence actions of the Chinese Communist Party. This theoretical ground subsequently offers policy recommendations for leaders of Central Asian states in understanding and working with China's pursuit in the region.