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Louiza Odysseos argues that debates about ethnic conflict, human rights, and the viability of multicultural communities all revolve around the question of coexistence. She traces the institutional neglect of coexistence to the ontological commitments of international relations as predicated on conceptions of modern subjectivity. Here, Odysseos opens up the possibility of a coexistential ontology in which selfhood can be rethought beyond subjectivism

Louiza Odysseos argues that debates about ethnic conflict, human rights, and the viability of multicultural communities all revolve around the question of coexistence. She traces the institutional neglect of coexistence to the ontological commitments of international relations as predicated on conceptions of modern subjectivity. Here, Odysseos opens up the possibility of a coexistential ontology in which selfhood can be rethought beyond subjectivism.

Joining the discussion of revolution and resistance in world politics, this article puts forward the idea of poetic revolt as a necessary companion to these terms, one which centres attention on the ongoing reverberations of transatlantic slavery – what have been called its 'afterlives' (Saidiya Hartman, Édouard Glissant). Engaging with contributions to poetics, black studies and black feminist thought, it first develops a theoretical orientation of the ongoingness of slavery as a 'grammar of captivity' (Hortense Spillers) that 'wake work', a term proposed by Christina Sharpe, aims to disrupt. The article calls for methodological attention to the fugitive and wayward arts and acts of living, that is, what Sylvia Wynter and Fred Moten call the 'sociopoetic' practices of enslaved and legally-emancipated populations to illuminate the simultaneity and entanglement of structuring violence and poetic revolt. Second, drawing on Spillers' scholarship on homiletics – the study of and participation in sermons – in particular United States contexts, it identifies and discusses three aspects of poetic revolt: 'fabulation', world-making otherwise and resignification, through which such communities developed a critical and insurgent posture aimed at rupturing this grammar of captivity and at forging critical, futurally-oriented sociabilities. Third, in conclusion, it discusses the links of poetic revolt, in its specificity in Atlantic slavery, to wider systemic critique. Pluralising our thinking on revolution and resistance, poetic revolt, it argues, is best seen as a critical meditation on futurity.

Decolonial thought has wrought a devastating critique on the Academy and wide-ranging fields within it. Decolonial critique entails undeniable and multiple ethico-political orientations arising from concrete struggles within the 'unfinished project of decolonization' (Maldonado-Torres), as well as recent articulations of decolonial ethics. This article argues that, as decolonial critique, and calls for decolonial ethics, begin to find their way into broader theoretical discussions in the social sciences and humanities, it may be more fruitful to insist on the question of decolonial ethics. It encourages retaining the disruptive potential of decolonial critique by resisting its immediate translations into available ethical registers and traditions that unwittingly reassert, and remain bound to, forms of ethical expression dependent on generalised narratives, which occlude their histories of violent and racialised exclusion and masterful figurations of ethical subjectivity. Outlining Sylvia Wynter's excavation of prominent figurations of the human as 'Man', I argue that our conceptions of ethical subjects too rest on such figurations. The article, therefore, discusses three prolegomena to any future decolonial ethics: the decolonial critique and displacement of the figure of 'Man' as ethical subject within racialised coloniality; the development of a decolonising poetics, whose ethos of irreverence seeks forms of poetic revolt that draw on struggles to question systems of ethical thought and knowledge; finally, a discussion of the contours of a praxis of being hybridly human through the development of 'education' as an incessant and 'unfinished' project.

Taking liberalism as a technology of government characterised by its signature impulse — what Michel Foucault called 'the internal rule of maximum economy' — the article interrogates the ways in which human rights produce a distinct subjectivity, homo juridicus, which is a subject amenable to self-government and, as such, acts as a partner, indeed a predicate, to neoliberal governmentality. Taking its impetus from Foucault's discussion of homo oeconomicus , the article traces human rights' relations of subjectification, that is, the ways in which human rights call homo juridicus into being as a distinct type of subjectivity that, in parallel to homo oeconomicus, makes possible the contraction of the state and its governmentalisation. The article calls such subjectification liberal 'ontogenesis' and argues that it takes four distinct but related forms: rhetorical, epistemic, performative and structural ontogenesis. It provides an illustration of how each of these forms of ontogenesis produce, and produce globally — through their discourses, knowledge production, law-making and restructuring of the 'conditions of freedom' — a necessary subject for neoliberalism. The article thereby shows that human rights assist in the evolution of government as the conduct of conduct, and irrevocably recast the very meaning of freedom and the possibilities for agonism.

Nous examinons ici la critique de l'éthique universelle que Carl Schmitt aborde en tant qu'aspect politique de l'ordre planétaire. L'article porte sur les mutations du discours humanitariste, dans un contexte de gouvernementalité globale. Il ne s'agit pas d'adopter une perspective éthique différente, mais de reconnaître que l'éthique universelle alimente des discours et des pratiques politiques qui génèrent un monde politique (ou plus exactement biopolitique) unipolaire. Nous appuyant sur les « iconographies » de l'ennemi propres à Schmitt et sur la pensée de Foucault, nous esquissons un concept de devoir politique planétaire qui se pose à la fois envers l'Autre et à l'égard de l'ouverture du monde politique.

This article examines Carl Schmitt's critique of universal ethics made in his indictment of the discourse of humanity and addressed as a political concern of world order. It extends this critique further to include the ways in which the discourse of humanity transforms itself in the era of global governmentality. This kind of interrogation requires an almost 'anti-ethical' awareness that universal ethics fuels political discourses and practices that instantiate a political, indeed a biopolitical, universe. Schmitt's discussion offers, it is argued, two iconographies of enmity, significant for mapping the contemporary world order. Together with Foucault, Schmitt helps articulate a notion of world-political obligation which is both for the other and for the openness of the political as a pluriverse. Adapted from the source document.