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This work studies the development of bilateral relations in two pairs of states (dyads): Argentina-Brazil and Argentina-Chile. It takes on a moderate constructivist approach that incorporates into the analysis of international relations the role of identities, ideas and perceptions as well as of material forces, and understands that the former are affected and changed during interaction. It also uses to securitization theory to explain how issues come or cease to be considered security matters through social constructions.

In the last 15 years, the link between identity and regional institutions has received considerable academic attention, especially from EU scholars. Mostly, their focus has been on the ways in which European institutions affect, constrain, or constitute (or otherwise) state's and individual actor's behavior and identities. By contrast, international relations has been strikingly silent on the question of the identity of regional institutions. However, studying an institution's identity can highlight important aspects of its "quality of life"; not least its ability to interact with other international actors and with its own constituent parts. This article argues that a clear identity is necessary for the organization to project itself internally, internationally, and temporally. The question of institutional identity-and the risks of failing to construct one-is explored by looking at the case of Mercosur, an association which, the article argues, suffers from identity crises in its three main identity dimension: political, economic and external. Adapted from the source document.

This article constitutes a first exploration of the security governance of Mercosur, the common market of Latin America's Southern Cone. Drawing on securitization theory, the article argues that three major clusters of security issues have consecutively become the focus of the region's security agenda. First, prior to Mercosur's foundation and during the various processes of democratization in the region, the success of democratic transitions, the stabilization of civil—military relations and the region's insertion into the world economy were successfully securitized. At a second stage, more traditional issues associated with the use of military force gained centrality in the security agenda. Finally, and particularly since 11 September 2001, the region's security architecture was redesigned to accommodate `new' security threats. Around the consensuses on these three issue-clusters, formal and informal structures of policy coordination have emerged, constituting a limited system of governance. Yet, though regional governance is admittedly weak, this article contends that the security consensuses and the emerging institutional structures that have ensued are contributing to forging a shared normativity in the Mercosur area.

"This book analyzes seven Latin American thinkers who have contributed to building bridges for reconciliation and peace: Carlos Saavedra Lamas, Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, Alfonso García Robles, Óscar Arias Sánchez, Rigoberta Menchú Tum, Juan Manuel Santos, and Javier Pérez de Cuéllar. Working within an eclectic conceptual approach to systematize the circulation of ideas embraced by each one of the thinkers, the various contributions delve into the current literature of leadership and intellectuals in Politics and Global International Relations (GIR). Overall, the central premises of the analysis are based on three fundamentals of mainstream constructivism: a) change across time and space in the lifetime of each thinker under analysis in this book; b) socialization through changing norms, rules, and language; and c) processes of interaction in which actors make choices in selecting networks and strategies). Coming from different walks of life, the seven thinkers examined in this book have accessed the global public square and discussed ideas to reduce conflicts at different scales. In their respective historical times, they circulated their views and ideas beyond the confines of Latin America to influence global political thought and produce change in favor of peace."--

Cover; Friendship and International Relations; Contents; List of Tables; Acknowledgements; Notes on Contributors; Part I: Introduction; 1: A Framework for the Study of International Friendship; Mapping friendship in international relations; Defending friendship between states; International friendship's close relatives; International friendship as an analytical category; Conclusion; Plan of the book; Notes; References; Part II: Conceptions; 2 Friendship, State, and Nation; Conceptualising friendship; The state and the nation; Conclusion: friendship within International Relations

Every form of social community involves friendship. When we look around, international politics presents us with numerous examples. We may cite the 'Franco-German friendship', the Anglo-American 'special relationship', and the former 'Sino-Soviet friendship'. The Treaty of Westphalia of 1648 proclaimed 'sincere Amity' among its signatories. Furthermore, the UN Charta is dedicated to promote 'friendly relations among nations'. While we find many instances of friendship discourse in international politics we know remarkably little about them. How can we conceptualize and study friendship in international relations? How is international friendship practiced and what empirical cases exist? This edited volume puts forward the argument that international friendship is a distinct type of interstate and international relationship, and that as such, it can contribute to capture aspects of international politics that have long remained unattended. To this end, Simon Koschut and Andrea Oelsner offer a framework for analyzing friendship in international politics by presenting a variety of conceptual approaches and empirical cases of international friendship.