Suchergebnisse

Contrary to the Western liberal school that argued that corruption is a product of moral laxity or decadence; lack of common standard of morality, growing cultural and religious decay, we posit that the root of corruption should not be sought in the value and attitude of individuals in the society rather in the nature of social relations of production. Despite the efforts by political leaderships to evolve anti- corruption strategies, agencies and programmes in Nigeria especially under President Olusegun Obasanjo (1999-2007), the incidence of corruption remains the major enemy of economic growth. Owners of capital and investors consider the Nigerian economy as unsafe for investment due to the prevalence of corrupt political leaderships. In this paper, we explore the impact of political corruption on economic growth in Nigeria since the return of democratic government in 1999. Data was collected largely from documented evidence and analyzed with qualitative descriptive method. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p69

This paper examines the roles, limitations and prospects of AU in conflict resolution in Africa. It was conducted using documentary analysis as well as discourse analysis approaches. The paper observed that the mono-cultural political economy of Africa is the immediate cause of conflicts while the remote cause of conflicts in Africa is the arbitrariness in creation of the boundaries. The article examined the Peace Operation in Burundi; role of AU mediation team and the Abuja Inter-Sudanese Peace Talks; African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM); AU's role in recent crises in Libya and Côte d'Ivoire. The paper concludes that AU has played very important role in conflict resolution in the region. At least AU raises the alarm for international community to intervene. However, AU's missions have the limitations of financial barriers as well as dearth of technical capacity. The paper recommends that AU should appropriate over 70% of her annual budget to a special fund for responding to conflict emergencies so that it will react swiftly to conflict emergencies. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n27p325

Previous studies have examined the impact of the relationship between international nongovernmental organisations and the military on peacekeeping operations and humanitarian programming. However, how relations between international nongovernmental organisations and military actors affect preventing/countering of violent extremism has not been central to existing debates. By using the qualitative-dominant mixed methods approach, this paper investigates relations between these actors in Northeast Nigeria and argues that the dynamic interactions between international nongovernmental organisations and the military largely breed mistrust and conflict between them. This undermines the capacity of international nongovernmental organisations to prevent/counter violent extremism. The paper concludes that mutual respect for the operational procedures of the military and international nongovernmental organisations in the Northeast is relevant for an enhanced relationship between them and sustainable preventing/countering violent extremism programming in Nigeria and beyond.