The changing dynamics of Turkey-Israel relations: a structural realist account
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 273-288
ISSN: 1354-2982, 1362-9395
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In: Mediterranean politics, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 273-288
ISSN: 1354-2982, 1362-9395
World Affairs Online
In: Insight Turkey, Band 10, Heft 3, S. 5-22
ISSN: 1302-177X
World Affairs Online
In: Insight Turkey, Band 9, Heft 3, S. 48-58
ISSN: 1302-177X
World Affairs Online
In: Mediterranean politics, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 94-113
ISSN: 1354-2982, 1362-9395
World Affairs Online
In: Cambridge review of international affairs, Band 17, Heft 2, S. 337-354
ISSN: 1474-449X
The recent thaw in bilateral Greek-Turkish relations is promising, yet insufficient for future stability & cooperation in & around the Aegean Sea. The main reason lies in the prevalence of instrumental-strategic thinking on the part of both states. Neither Greece nor Turkey has approached the settlement of their disputes from a perspective that would imply an eagerness to build a collective identity based on the institutional norms of European international society as represented by the European Union. On the contrary, Europeanisation has not been an end in itself but a means for the materialisation of their preconceived national interests. The underlying motivation behind their attempts to reach a solution appears to have arisen from instrumental concerns vis-a-vis both the EU & each other. The dynamics of their independent relations with the European Union seem to have compelled them to come to a modus vivendi over these issues, since otherwise their relative status vis-a-vis the EU would likely deteriorate. This article will discuss the main aspects of the latest Turkish-Greek cooperation process within the framework of rationalist instrumentalist & sociological institutionalist debate in international relations theory. It will be contended that a lasting & long-term cooperation between the two countries can only follow the formation of collective identities & common national foreign policy interests, particularly as they relate to the European Union framework. 57 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Review of international affairs, Band 3, Heft 3, S. 458-478
ISSN: 1743-9442
In: Security dialogue, Band 34, S. 285-299
ISSN: 0967-0106
World Affairs Online
In: European security: ES, Band 12, Heft 2, S. 45-62
ISSN: 0966-2839
World Affairs Online
In: Security dialogue, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 285-299
ISSN: 1460-3640
This article argues that it is possible to explain the European Union's reluctant attitude towards Turkey's membership in the EU on the basis of the EU's international & security identity & Turkey's security culture & perception of Europe. The EU's final decision on Turkey's accession is dependent both on Turkey's performance in adopting the EU's distinctive security identity & on the continuation of the EU member-states' commitment to turning the EU into an international actor with vital security interests in Turkey's vicinity. On the basis of this reasoning, the article reaches two main conclusions. The first is that the prospects for Turkey's EU membership are better in the post-11 September era than they were in the 1990s. The second is that there is a close relationship between the way the EU accession process unfolds & the way Turkey & the EU see each other. The longer the accession process lasts & the more ambiguously the EU reacts towards Turkey's membership, the more likely Turkey & the EU will view each other as 'security threats' rather than 'security providers'. 31 References. [Copyright 2003 Sage Publications Ltd.]
In: Security dialogue, Band 34, Heft 3, S. 285-299
ISSN: 0967-0106
Argues that it is possible to explain the EU's reluctant attitude towards Turkish membership on the basis of the EU's international and security identity and Turkey's security culture and perception of Europe; prospects after Sept. 11, 2001.
In: Contemporary security policy, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 61-82
ISSN: 1352-3260, 0144-0381
World Affairs Online
In: JEMIE - Journal on Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe, Heft 2, S. 1-25
In: Journal on ethnopolitics and minority issues in Europe, Band 3, Heft 2 : Enlargement and Reconciliation: EU Accession and the Division of Cyprus, S. 1-25
The author argues that, despite the optimistic expectations of the international community, the accession process of the Republic of Cyprus with the European Union (EU) has so far only contributed to further 'securitization' and 'perpetuation' of the conflict. It is argued that the dangers of EU membership of a divided Cyprus would far outweigh the expected benefits. As a consequence, the author contends that if the EU wants to make a constructive contribution to the resolution of the Cyprus dispute, it should adopt a new approach - one that foresees the active support of the European countries to the EU membership of a loosely-centralized federal Cyprus. Compared to the traditional sovereign sensitive approaches, the author argues that neither the confederal approach of the Turkish Cypriots nor the tightly-centralized federal approach of the Greek Cypriots could find a niche within the post-modern and post-Westphalian environment of the European Union. Given that the EU is the only institution that could affect the incentive-matrixes of the interested parties in the conflict, the author concludes that a change of mind is required by the EU for a breakthrough to come about. (ECMI)
World Affairs Online
In: International Journal, Band 57, Heft 4, S. 579
In: Perceptions: journal of international affairs, Band 7, Heft 2, S. 79-101
ISSN: 1300-8641