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Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables -- List of Abbreviations -- Preface -- 1 INTRODUCTION -- 2 FOUNDATION AND GROWTH OF RELATIONS, 1958-1969 -- The Israeli Initiative -- Technical Assistance Programs -- Military Assistance -- Economic Relations -- Relations at the Multilateral Level -- 3 THE OCTOBER 1973 WAR AND AFRO-ISRAELI RELATIONS -- 4 THE ERA OF NON-FORMAL RELATIONS, 1973-1978 -- Multilateral Relations -- Bilateral Relations -- 5 THE PERIOD OF GRADUAL RAPPROCHEMENT, 1979-1985 -- Africa's Reactions to Camp David and the Peace Treaty -- The Beginnings of Change -- Expansion of Afro-Israeli Relations -- 6 ISRAEL AND SOUTH AFRICA -- Historical Links -- The Early Years -- The Era of Quiet Normalization of Relations -- The October 1973 War -- Economic Relations -- Military Cooperation -- 7 NIGERIA AND ISRAEL -- The Nigerian Civil War -- The October 1973 War -- The Egyptian-Israeli Camp David Accords -- 8 CONCLUSIONS -- Policy Options and Prospects -- Index.
In: The Jerusalem journal of international relations, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 105
ISSN: 0363-2865
In: The Jerusalem journal of international relations, Band 8, Heft 1, S. 76-101
ISSN: 0363-2865
World Affairs Online
In: The Jerusalem journal of international relations, Band 7, Heft 4, S. 105-118
ISSN: 0363-2865
World Affairs Online
In: Bě'āyôt bênlě'ûmmiyyôt: society & politics ; the journal of Israel Association of Graduates in the Social Sciences and Humanities, Band 24, Heft 1/4, S. 41-55
ISSN: 0020-840X
In: International studies, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 37-51
The aim of this article is to examine Israeli-South African relations and to see whether there is any correlation between these and the state of Afro-Israeli relations; implications for Afro-Israeli relations of the Camp David Summit in 1978 and the consequent signing of a peace treaty between Egypt and Israel; the links between Israel and South Africa are likely to remain an important factor in Afro-Israeli relations
World Affairs Online
In: Africa Spectrum, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 325-334
ISSN: 0002-0397
Untersuchung der Zusammenarbeit mit Schwergewicht auf dem Zeitraum nach dem Oktoberkrieg 1973 und der Verurteilung Israels durch die OAU; als Kernprobleme werden dabei die Ungleichgewichtigkeit der Finanzströme, der Einfluß politischer Faktoren, arabische Investitionspräferenzen im Westen sowie die starke Dezentralisierung der Finanzierungsinstitutionen gesehen. Mit Empfehlungen zu einer Verbesserung der Zusammenarbeit. (DSE)
World Affairs Online
In: International studies, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 37-51
ISSN: 0973-0702, 1939-9987
In: Africa Spectrum, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 131-141
ISSN: 0002-0397
World Affairs Online
In: Bě'āyôt bênlě'ûmmiyyôt: society & politics ; the journal of Israel Association of Graduates in the Social Sciences and Humanities, Band 20, S. 73-84
ISSN: 0020-840X
World Affairs Online
In: Journal of Asian and African studies: JAAS, Band 55, Heft 7, S. 1023-1032
ISSN: 1745-2538
The 1918–19 influenza epidemic arguably remains the worst natural disaster in the annals of colonial India. The scourge of the 1918–19 influenza in Punjab eclipsed the significant malaria epidemics of 1908 and the Bubonic plague catastrophe of the first decade of the 20th century. Over 800,000 people died from the outbreak between October and November 1918. This article examines the social and economic impacts of the 1918–19 influenza outbreak in Punjab. It argues that the scarcity of everyday food items as well as an escalation in the prices of staple foodstuffs were direct consequences of the epidemic. This study discovered that massive influenza mortalities triggered severe disruptions in the agricultural activities and public services in Punjab. Other studies had focused mainly on the spread and mortality of the epidemic in the public domains of colonial India. However, this study illuminates the socio-economic effects of an outbreak from a regional perspective. A focus on Punjab, the colonial capital of Northern India, affords us a rare privilege to gauge how epidemics influence the socio-economic spaces on a provincial basis.
The phenomenon of elusive peace and its implications for socioeconomic development and political stability have remained a subject of scholarly interest in Nigeria's post-colonial discourse. There have been diverging and converging opinions over the variables responsible for this, and the prospects for recovery. This paper seeks to contribute to the scholarly process of filling the subsisting gap in the extant body of literature by re-interrogating the role of culture in Nigeria's quest for sustainable peace and development. Employing qualitative method of data collection, and adopting thematic approach for content analysis, findings reveal that peace and development have remained elusive in the country, despite available human and material resource endowments, because the valued components of its cultural heritage have not been systematically articulated and integrated into the mainstream of political ideology and socioeconomic philosophy. This paper argues that launching a renaissance of Nigeria's cultural heritage is indispensable to maximizing its socioeconomic and political potential for peace and development within the context of its heterogeneous composition. Drawing lessons from plural societies elsewhere, the paper argues that the prospects for sustainable peace and development could remain a mirage at the expense of the valuable insights inherent in its cultural diversity. Therefore, the paper recommends a synergy between indigenous cultural values and external influences as the basis of policy framework for sustainable peace and development in Nigeria in the 21st century.
BASE
In: Jadavpur journal of international relations: JNR, Band 11-12, Heft 1, S. 242-259
ISSN: 2349-0047
The genocide in Darfur, Sudan has left over 300,000 dead, thus bringing the death toll in the entire Sudanese conflicts from 1956 to almost 2 million people and the number of displaced persons to over 2 million. The exacerbation of the crisis is traceable to the government's complicity exemplified by its standing order to the United Nations to stay off and evacuate its monitors in what it considered an entirely Sudanese affair that could be resolved without external interference. However, considering the limits of state sovereignty in the modern international system, where membership of the UN, the existence of the Geneva Convention on the Laws of War, Humanitarian Law and other subsisting legal frameworks on war crimes erode absolute sovereignty, the Sudanese government cannot hide under the non-interference in the internal affairs of states clause to prevent the international community from intervention in Darfur. This probably explains the recent approval by the Government of Sudan to finally allow UN-AU troops to jointly restore security, bowing to intense international pressure to do so.