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With its growing dependence on electricity, modern society faces the risk of cascading failureof interconnected societal functions. To protect societal functions during an event of power shortage,Sweden has implemented a multi-level planning process called STYREL, which involves national-, regional—and local-level actors. As part of the Swedish crisis management system, the regional body operatesas a co-ordinator that organises co-operation and interaction between private and public actors. Thisstudy examines the role of the regional hub in STYREL and the collaboration and co-operation betweenplanning levels. It focuses on the co-ordinator's perspective and presents evidence from interviews and asurvey among planners at County Administrative Boards, entrusted with the supervision and executionof STYREL within their regional area of responsibility. This paper indicates that the regional co-ordinatorlacks the awareness, knowledge and resources to fulfil its core function in the national planning for criticalinfrastructure protection.

Abstract
Central to policies relating to risk governance at the regional and local levels is the interaction between the public and private sectors also referred to as networked governance. At the same time, the role of political actors in general and policy entrepreneurs in particular, in terms of policy change, has gained considerable traction in recent policy scholarship. The purpose of this study was to investigate the change in governance arrangements resulting in the formation of a coordination network in regional flood risk management-the first of its kind in Sweden. Our research is guided by the following questions: first, would the policy change (the establishment of the networks)have taken place if a policy entrepreneur were not part of the policy transfer process? Second, what is the role of policy entrepreneurship in the implementation of the policy after its nationwide adoption? Third, what other factors played a role in the variation of the results in the implemented policy that is, the enforced networks? We find the role of a policy entrepreneur key in the policy transfer from the regional to the national level. In order to investigate the resultant networks, we draw from B. Guy Peters (1998) and his conceptualization of factors which affect the politics of coordination. In addition to the presence of a policy entrepreneur, we compare: (i) pluriformity of network members;(ii) member interdependence; (iii) redundancy of structures, and (iv) degree of formality (in terms of meetings). Our findings suggest that entrepreneurs contribute to the variation in the functionality of the enforced river groups, though other factors play a significant role as well.Most importantly, perhaps, we did not identify entrepreneurs in any of the river groups which were not functional.

This article examines the Swedish experience of network governance in managing flooding and high water flows. The aim was to study the regional responsibility for coordinating risk awareness and risk analysis in terms of information, prevention and actions. The focus was on differences between the Swedish river groups from the coordinators perspective, including their organization and approaches to decision‐making. The conclusions reached here are based on interviews with the coordinators of county administrative boards. We argue that the absence of central guidelines in the organization of the river groups and the fact that they are enforced by the government rather than spontaneously formed have had implications for the networks' effectiveness and for exchanges of experience among the networks.

This article examines the Swedish experience of network governance in managing flooding and high water flows. The aim was to study the regional responsibility for coordinating risk awareness and risk analysis in terms of information, prevention and actions. The focus was on differences between the Swedish river groups from the coordinators perspective, including their organization and approaches to decision-making. The conclusions reached here are based on interviews with the coordinators of county administrative boards. We argue that the absence of central guidelines in the organization of the river groups and the fact that they are enforced by the government rather than spontaneously formed have had implications for the networks' effectiveness and for exchanges of experience among the networks.

This article examines the Swedish experience of network governance in managing flooding and high water flows. The aim was to study the regional responsibility for coordinating risk awareness and risk analysis in terms of information, prevention and actions. The focus was on differences between the Swedish river groups from the coordinators perspective, including their organization and approaches to decision-making. The conclusions reached here are based on interviews with the coordinators of county administrative boards. We argue that the absence of central guidelines in the organization of the river groups and the fact that they are enforced by the government rather than spontaneously formed have had implications for the networks' effectiveness and for exchanges of experience among the networks.

Following its achievement of Self-Rule status in 2009 Greenland embarked on a series of measures to diversify its economy with an eye towards eventually gaining full independence from Denmark. Tourism was underlined as a key sector for reaching this goal and, consequently, over the last few years there has been a concerted effort to develop the island as an important polar destination. Significantly, the Greenlandic government created the tourism development policy for 2016-2020, which it views as a key instrument for shaping the sector's future. In this paper, we adopted a policy network approach to determine the relational architecture among various stakeholders from the public and private sectors who are seen as relevant to tourism's development. Inter alia, we examined how these actors were linked to each other while examining what kind of tourism networks existed in Greenland and what obstacles might hinder or foster their formation. A thematic analysis of qualitative data on Atlas.ti reveals that though there exist networks in the Greenlandic tourism sector, they are not policy networks and that the Greenlandic government's approach to developing this tourism policy has been top-down, reflecting a 'government' rather than a 'governance' approach. Barriers to the formation of policy networks included lack of a shared image for the future; lack of trust among actors; lack of time and spatial fragmentation hindering iterative interactions, and lack of institutional enabling of information and knowledge sharing.