Suchergebnisse

Analysis is made of data collected in late 1974 by the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations by Louis Harris & Associates on public opinion of United States foreign policy. A sample of 1,513 responded to questions concerning international affairs. Policy issues were factor analyzed, using the principal components method. After throwing out variables with low correlations, the remaining 33 variables were factor analyzed, again using the principal components method with both varimax & oblique rotation. The results based on the varimax solution revealed 5 dimensions of foreign policy: (1) militarism, (2) involvement of the United States in world affairs, (3) world problems, (4) detente, & (5) support of the United Nations & other international organizations. People in higher education groups scored lower on the militarism dimension & higher on detente & international organizations. Persons with higher incomes were also inclined to support detente & international organizations. Mean scores for older people tended to be high in militarism, while younger people were more in favor of United States involvement. The South showed a high score in the militarism dimension & low in the detente. Party affiliation has an impact on scores within the militaristic area with independents being nonmilitaristic, Republicans being in favor of military involvement, & Democrats in between the two. Self-identified conservatives rated high on the militarism scale, low on involvement, & detente, & international organizations. Liberals were likely to be at the opposite end. 3 Tables. Modified HA.

The new edition of this popular textbook provides a comprehensive, accessible introduction to public opinion in the United States and describes how public opinion data are collected, how they are used, and the role they play in the U.S. political system. Bardes and Oldendick introduce students to the history of polling and explain the factors a good consumer of polls should know in order to evaluate public opinion data. Public Opinion: Measuring the American Mind is the only text to devote significant space to the history

Migrants from Appalachia are seen as an emergent Ur ethnic group because of their distinct demographic profile & ingroup/outgroup recognition. However, a comparison of political activity indicators shows that white Appalachians in the Cincinnati, Ohio, metropolitan area most closely resemble the local black population. Data were gathered through survey interviews of 753 white non-Appalachians, 237 white Appalachians, & 127 black non-Appalachians. Appalachian origin appears to have little direct bearing on Rs' political behavior. 2 Tables, 15 References. Modified HA.

Before the 1976 presidential primaries had begun, the figure of George Wallace loomed large in the American political arena. Pollsters and journalists speculated widely on how many Democratic convention delegates Wallace would win, what influence he would have on the Democratic convention, and whether he would lead a third-party movement if denied the Democratic nomination. Events from the New Hampshire through the California primaries proved much of this speculation to be idle, for Wallace never did mount a serious challenge within the Democratic party. Using data from the 1968 through 1976 SRC/CPS Election Studies, this work traces the sources of Wallace support over time and advances several hypotheses as to why the "Wallace Factor" was relatively absent in the 1976 campaign.

Willingness to support funding for government programs, particularly social programs, has been a key difference between Democrats and Republicans since the New Deal era. In recent years, considerable research has pointed to increasing differences between partisans. The current research uses General Social Survey data from 1973 to 2014 to examine the extent to which differences between Democrats and Republicans on spending issues have increased over time, have been consistent across domains, or have fluctuated differentially during this period. The results demonstrate that while Democrats and Republicans have distinct and opposing views on questions of government spending, partisan differences in support for spending are not uniform across issue areas, with larger differences on social welfare issues than on issues that are seen as redistributive, but not entitlements. The changes in liberalism that have occurred among partisans on these issues vary across domains and fluctuate at various points during this 40-year period.

Explores the relationship between call screening & nonresponse in public opinion research, drawing on 1998 telephone interview data from 2,458 adults in SC, of whom 26.7% had Caller-ID & 64.9% had a telephone answering machine. Respondents (Rs) who were younger, higher educated, & had one or more children in the household were more likely to screen calls. The sociodemographic characteristics of Caller-ID vs answering machines are compared, arguing that the use of the former has expanded the threat of nonresponse across demographic groups; ie, sample representativeness might be compromised. Call-screening behavior is examined in terms of what Rs respond to when receiving an incoming call, drawing on an investigation of how survey calls were listed on their Caller-ID services. Findings suggest Rs are more wary of calls listed as "unknown" or "out of area." The impact of call screening on efforts to complete an interview is addressed, focusing on potential nonresponse indicators as gleaned from call histories: number of attempts made, number of days on which calls were made, & likelihood of refusal. Results are mixed, indicating an increase in self-reported call screening, but also a larger role of social factors vs call screening behavior in the growing nonresponse problem. 4 Tables, 7 References. J. Lindroth

How images of racial minority groups influence Whites' attitudes; US. Concerns attitudes towards Blacks, Asians, and Hispanics.