The electoral quota passed in Spain in March 2007 stipulated at least 40% candidates of either sex for all elected offices. Seeking to explore how effective this measure has been in generating conditions of political equality in a broader sense, this article analyses the degree to which this regulation has resulted in a rise in the number of female MPs, as well as to their presence in leading positions and their nomination to a wide range of parliamentary committees. Comparing trends in 18 national and regional legislatures before and after the quota was introduced, the analysis concludes that the quota led to a modest increase in the numbers of women elected, but did little to reduce vertical and horizontal segregation or bridge the gap between nominations to traditionally 'feminine' and 'masculine' portfolios. Adapted from the source document.
En este articulo se analiza el marco teorico para el estudio de la movilizacion politica que afloro en Espana a partir del 15 de marzo de 2011, tratando de dilucidar si se trata de un fenomeno nuevo o si responde a factores que vienen gestandose desde hace tiempo y que no pueden ser abarcados con una perspectiva estrictamente coyuntural (acaso acuciada por la crisis economica). Mas que una aproximacion empirica a esa movilizacion, se diseccionan algunos enfoques para perfilar sinergica e integralmente el estado del arte para el estudio de la participacion politica, desde el que se puedan precisar factores mas profundos -sistemicos- de caracter mas duradero. Se repasan las transformaciones operadas en los sistemas politicos en las ultimas decadas y las consecuencias que han podido tener para la propia democracia, la percepcion que de su funcionamiento -y de sus promesas incumplidas- tiene la ciudadania, asi como para la participacion ciudadana en el marco de la nueva politica o el nuevo paradigma politico. La conclusion es que los cambios estructurales apuntan a perdurables transformaciones en los sistemas politicos y la ciudadania y sus formas de participacion politica. En ese nuevo paradigma se incardinan las movilizaciones que, en el contexto de una grave crisis economica, vuelven sobre temas y conflictos que parecian superados, si bien con nuevas perspectivas y formas de accion. En definitiva, se trata de movilizaciones de caracter democratico -que no pueden ser calificadas de antisistema- y que no se orientan si no a mejorar la calidad del funcionamiento de los propios sistemas democraticos The aim of this article is to analyze the theoretical framework for the study of political mobilizations that arose in Spain in March 2011. The aim is to find out whether these mobilizations are based in short-term factors or in structural long-term ones. More than an empirical analysis of these mobilizations, the aim is to study the state of the art of the framework for the study of political participation, to analyze whether these mobilizations are a temporary phenomenon (eventually enhanced by the economic crisis) or they are structural-based and, therefore, will have more long-lasting effects. We will go over the transformations that political systems have gone through in the last decades and the consequences they may have had for democracy, citizenship and political participation (and the way citizens evaluate the former and its broken promises). We conclude these structural changes point to a new political paradigm in which political participation has to be analyzed under a new scope. Under this new paradigm, political protest is not addressed to overthrow the democratic system, but to improving it's functioning and to reach the ideals it assumed and which (apparently) fosters. Adapted from the source document.
The features of the Spanish regional parliamentary elite are analyzed in this article according to eight socio-demographic and political variables: age, sex, educational level, continuity (being re-elected), seniority as MPs, profession, previous experience as party officials, and previous experience in top-ranking political positions in Public Administration or as elected (representative) officials. The aim of this article is to show how the Spanish parliamentary elite have become professional quickly with distinguishing features regarding the society they represent, and also their national counterpart. The peculiarities of such elite do not seem to be related to higher self-government levels, the presence of non-state-wide parties, party systems different from the national one, different types of governments, the economic status and wealth at a regional level, or population size. Adapted from the source document.
The content of the following pages is an overview over some particular issues regarding political action & political representation in contemporary democracies. Both, seminal & recent contributions have been taken into account in order to elaborate this overview on the recent developments of the types & repertory of political action, & of the mechanisms to represent social interests & participation. The conclusion is an optimistic greeting to new forms of political action & repertory of differentiated representation mechanisms, as well as to the diversification of spheres & fields where political action can, nowadays, be developed. The plurality, compatibility & simultaneous presence of these diversified & differentiated fields & mechanisms do not represent a threat for representative democratic systems, but, on the contrary, it must be seen & can act as a potential force for the improvement of oxidized democratic processes & structures. Adapted from the source document.
Twenty-five years have now elapsed since the first elections that marked the beginning of democracy in Spain, the longest period ever enjoyed by Spanish citizens, which provides a sufficient timeframe to take stock of the feelings brought about by its implementation, operation, & agents involved. This paper analyzes the institution from three different points of view: the profile of MPs; their feelings & attitudes regarding the parliament & their work; the opinions & attitudes of citizenship toward that institution, its MPs & the activities & functions performed by them. The last section provides a hasty outline of the current status of parliament assessed from the point of view of the support it receives from its citizens. 7 Tables. Adapted from the source document.
In this paper we analyze the Spanish 2004 general election outcomes from the point of view of the outgoing party systems & their dimensions. The main aim is to check to what extent an electoral change has occurred & whether we should consider the 2004 electoral process as one of continuity or as an exceptional one, as one could think given the context of the election. Taking a close look at empirical data, we will try to answer the following questions: Are we still in the third electoral period or has a new one (the fourth) aroused? Is the Spanish exceptionalism still present (with respect to the different & concurrent party systems)? What is the depth of the electoral change registered in the 2004 election: is it just a different distribution of the vote or did it affect to the political alignments of the voters? &, therefore, should we consider 2004 election as one of continuity or as an exceptional one? We present all the values of the dimensions of party systems in each Comunidad Autonoma from 1977 to 2004 elections. Tables, Graphs, References. Adapted from the source document.
