Suchergebnisse

Bu makalede, sosyal bilimler külliyatına son birkaç on yılda esaslı bir giriş yapmış 'kimlik', 'farklılık', 'kendi' ve 'öteki' kavramlarının, Uluslararası İlişkiler disiplininin başat kuramlarınca nasıl algılanmakta oldukları incelenecektir. 1990'lı yıllarla birlikte disiplinin içine düşmüş olduğu üst-anlatı boşluğu yalnızca kimlik meselelerince doldurulamayacak olsa da, bu meseleleri içselleştirmeyen geleneksel Uluslararası İlişkiler kuramlarının, geçerliliklerini yitirme tehlikesi ile karşı karşıya oldukları iddiasında bulunulacaktır. Bu iddiadan hareketle, kimlik temelli bir çerçevede anlaşılabilecek olan 11 Eylül 2001 olayları, Uluslararası İlişkiler kuram-yapımı üzerindeki etkisi ve kimlik meselesine yaptığı vurgu bağlamında örnek olay olarak incelenecektir. Makalenin esas amacı, günümüz Uluslararası İlişkiler kuram-yapımının, geleneksel kuramları toptan yok saymak yerine, bu kuramları yeniden gözden geçirmek ve yapısökümüne uğratıldıklarında altlarından çıkan tek tip kimlikleri, önyargıları ve taraflılıkları ortaya çıkartmak amacı gütmesi olduğunu göstermektir. ; This article attempts to analyze how the conceptualizations of 'identity', 'difference', 'self' and 'other' that have gained a recent popularity in mainstream social sciences in the last decades have been understood by leading International Relations theories. Although the meta-theoretical gap in International Relations studies that had been realized after the end of Cold War cannot be completely fulfilled by these conceptualizations, it will be suggested that no valid International Relations theory can be developed and maintained without internalizing the identity matters as their initial assumptions. Concordantly, the particular events of September 11, 2001 that might be analyzed within the framework of identity will be brought to the fore for how identity matters should affect the International Relations theory-making. The ultimate purpose of this study is to demonstrate that what is needed today in the study of International Relations is not to demolish its conventional theories altogether, but is rather to show the necessity of their re-evaluation for their stereotypical identity perceptions, prejudice and bias, which break out clearly once they are deconstructed.

In this study, economic, social and identity-related reasons of Norway underlying her two consequent rejections against the European Union membership in 1972 and 1994 will be analyzed. In the first part, Norway-Europe relations will be examined from historical and economic viewpoints; then, the findings will be compared with the referendum campaigns handled by the Norwegian public in the mentioned years. The aim of the paper is to help construct further reference points by analyzing a factual figure in "No to the European Union" conjuncture. ; Bu çalışmada, Norveç'in Avrupa Birliği üyeliği fırsatını, 1972 ve 1994 yıllarında yapılan referandumlar sonucunda, iki kez reddetmesinin altında yatan ekonomik, sosyal ve kimlik-temelli nedenler ele alınacaktır. Başlangıçta, Norveç-Avrupa ilişkilerinin tarihsel ve ekonomik boyutu incelenecek; ardından, bulunan sonuçlarla bahsedilen yıllardaki referandum kampanyaları karşılaştırılacaktır. Çalışmanın amacı, "Avrupa Birliğine Hayır" söyleminin tarihsel bir örneğini mercek altına alıp, ilerisi için referanslar çıkartılmasına yardımcı olmaktır.

AbstractIn contrast with the distorted and romanticized images reproduced by far-right narratives, we argue in this study that the constructive ideals of "nation" held by Italy's Giuseppe Mazzini and Turkey's Ziya Gökalp, from two later examples of European nationalism, could fit into what might be called a "proto-modernism" within nationalism theories. It is proposed that both Mazzini and Gökalp went through ideological transformations that made them firm opponents of German Romanticism and ardent believers of the Enlightenment, as shown in their non-exclusionary approaches to nationalism. They both rejected essentialist (religious, ethnic, racial, etc.) rationales for the backwardness of their respective countries and maintained the necessity of constructing nations that would initially provide civic equality among citizens and then aim at normative equality among nations at the civilizational level. In that sense, our analysis finds four fundamental similarities between Mazzini and Gökalp with regard to their national ideals: loyalty to the principles of the Enlightenment, national self-determination, civic-legal equality among citizens, and normative equality among all nations.

Following recent studies using Bourdieusian field theory to examine journalistic freedom and media criticism, we investigated the Turkish press using a comparative perspective focusing on the media's interaction with the nexus of power/government and market mechanisms. Using a snapshot of four Turkish newspapers in 2013, we analyzed their critical content vis-a-vis reporting about the government. To explain differences of criticism across these media outlets, we extended our qualitative and quantitative analyses to three sociopolitically key years with regard to the consolidation of governmental power. Our results indicate that what explains media criticism goes beyond structural factors and should also involve both between- and within-field variations, emphasizing media as a semiautonomous field.

Since the end of World War II, the infamous structure-agent problem in studies of International Relations has perhaps never been as complicated and multi-dimensional as it is today. The popular phenomenon of the emerging middle powers (EMPs) has led to further conflicts—particularly in investigating the agent dimension. EMPs have also presented a new challenge to the conventional theoretical attempts. Employing a Bourdieusian understanding of structuration, this study aims to reveal the gap between theoretical expectations from and practical limitations of EMPs. The three chosen cases concern Turkey's increasing foreign assistance, its mediation in Iran's nuclear swap deal, and its involvement in the Syrian civil war. Selecting these cases has implications and affects projections for an EMP's policy-makers with regard to discourse and actions within a boundary that the structure has plotted to halt other agents' potential threats against the international system's functioning. The distinction between high-politics and low-politics is also highlighted here as an important factor that determines the limits and positioning of EMPs in the international order.

This volume provides the first comprehensive overview of the state of policy analysis in Turkey for an international audience. Noting Turkey's traditionally strong, highly centralised state, the book documents the evolution of policy analysis in the country, providing an in-depth review of the context, constraints, and dominant modes of policy analysis performed by both state and non-state actors. The book examines the role of committees, experts, international actors, bureaucrats as well as public opinion in shaping policy analysis in the country through their varying ideas, interests and resources. In doing so, it presents the complex decision-making mechanisms that vary significantly among policy-making actors and institutions, documenting the key, yet unexamined, aspects of policy analysis in Turkey. It will be a valuable resource for those studying policy analysis within Turkey and as a comparison with other volumes in the International Library of Policy Analysis Series