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The Althusserian notion of a problematic refers to the underlying connections among the elements of a body of thought that shape its orientation. It is employed to examine the relationship between the practical decisions governing the actual conduct of attitude surveys and their sociopolitical context. Two sets of surveys, on preferences for political leaders and constitutional arrangements and on Black attitudes to sanctions against apartheid, are analyzed that featured in the transition to democracy in South Africa. Decisions regarding the phases of questionnaire design, fieldwork, analysis, interpretation, and dissemination are more or less explicit. It is found that in conjunction, they may predispose the survey to confirming specific presuppositions. Such a problematic is considered to be ideological. Based on further concrete examples of alternative survey practice, regulative commitments are proposed for each phase to ensure that the problematic of attitude surveys, even in such polarized contexts, may instead be scientific.

This consideration of the task of building a 'non‐racial, non‐sexist democracy' in South Africa combines historical experience, political theory and survey results to which an organisational participation, democratic commitment, party allegiance and a sense of citizenship exist together in forms able to support a process of democratisation. In consequence, the author suggests that there are serious hazards inherent in either the liberal or Gramscian models of democratic development. On the one hand, Gramsci's idea of a 'regulated society' in which the state progressively recedes in favour of an increasingly complex and articulated civil society makes too little provision for those elements of civil society that remain neutral or even hostile towards the prevailing political order. On the other hand, liberal democracy, in its various forms, is inherently elitist, depoiiticised and fundamentally alienated. The survey findings confirm that both these problems are fundamental to South Africa's new political society. As an alternative, the article proposes a strategy drawn from recent work on Latin America ‐ a 'politicised civil society' which will link the concerns of individual citizens more closely to the more formal processes of state and party politics. ROAPE considers this argument to be important beyond South Africa's borders and hopes that this article will initiate a discussion on the problems of extending democracy in Africa far beyond the parliamentary circulation of elites where it is presently confined.

The Soweto revolt of 1976 was mounted by black students in South Africa mobilized under the banner of the Black Consciousness (BC) ideology. However, when thousands of these youths were driven into exile by state repression, they joined the African National Congress (ANC) or its military wing. When hundreds of them returned as guerrillas after 1978, some were arrested and tried, while others were involved in spectacular shootouts with the police. The resulting press coverage began to revive ANC ideology in popular consciousness. With further publicity in 1980 from a Free Mandela campaign, and from luridly successful sabotage attacks, popular support for the ANC soared, shaping political events for the rest of the decade. The only other noteworthy tendency among blacks was the Zulu‐based Inkatha movement led by Chief Gatsha Buthelezi, whose support among young people was slight because of his hostile stance to both BC and the ANC.

In this article we contest the widespread view that the social or political consciousness that developed among South African youth, as a result of their role in the uprisings of the 1980s, led them to reject the authority of the older generation, in their families and generally. Using the results of a national probability-sample survey among youth of the four main race groups in South Africa, we argue that an assumed political consciousness is not a helpful variable to use in understanding South African youth and their attitudes towards the values of their parents. We go on to disaggregate "youth" according to parental presence and roles during childhood; to find various and changing patterns of parenting, including the importance of grandmothers; and to argue that intergenerational attitudes among young people differ importantly according to these differing formative experiences.

Background Adolescents experience a multitude of vulnerabilities which need to be addressed in order to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). In sub-Saharan Africa, adolescents experience high burden of HIV, violence exposure, poverty, and poor mental and physical health. This study aimed to identify interventions and circumstances associated with three or more targets ("accelerators") within multiple SDGs relating to HIV-affected adolescents and examine cumulative effects on outcomes. Methods Prospective longitudinal data from 3401 adolescents from randomly selected census enumeration areas in two provinces with > 30% HIV prevalence carried out in 2010/11 and 2011/12 were used to examine six hypothesized accelerators (positive parenting, parental monitoring, free schooling, teacher support, food sufficiency and HIV-negative/asymptomatic caregiver) targeting twelve outcomes across four SDGs, using a multivariate (multiple outcome) path model with correlated outcomes controlling for outcome at baseline and socio-demographics. The study corrected for multiple-hypothesis testing and tested measurement invariance across sex. Percentage predicted probabilities of occurrence of the outcome in the presence of the significant accelerators were also calculated. Results Sample mean age was 13.7 years at baseline, 56.6% were female. Positive parenting, parental monitoring, food sufficiency and AIDS-free caregiver were variously associated with reductions on ten outcomes. The model was gender invariant. AIDS-free caregiver was associated with the largest reductions. Combinations of accelerators resulted in a percentage reduction of risk of up to 40%. Conclusion Positive parenting, parental monitoring, food sufficiency and AIDS-free caregivers by themselves and in combination improve adolescent outcomes across ten SDG targets. These could translate to the corresponding real-world interventions parenting programmes, cash transfers and universal access to antiretroviral treatment, which when provided together, may help governments in sub-Saharan Africa more economically to reach their SDG targets.

RésuméEn s'appuyant sur les indicateurs identifiés par la Réunion tripartite d'experts sur la mesure du travail décent, réunie en 2008 au BIT, les auteurs élaborent un questionnaire complété par des entretiens approfondis afin d'évaluer la qualité de l'emploi dans la sécurité, l'agriculture et l'hôtellerie‐restauration en Afrique du Sud. Leur outil de diagnostic concerne des travailleurs de secteurs d'activité particuliers considérés individuellement et non la situation nationale. Cette approche permet de suivre les progrès accomplis en matière de travail décent, et de mettre en œuvre des stratégies fondées sur des données probantes afin de combler les déficits de travail décent.

ResumenA partir de nueve de los indicadores establecidos en 2008 por la Reunión tripartita de expertos sobre la medición del trabajo decente de la OIT, los autores realizan una encuesta, complementada con entrevistas en profundidad, para evaluar la calidad del empleo en los sectores de la seguridad privada, la agricultura y la hotelería y restauración en la provincia sudafricana de Gauteng. Su herramienta de diagnóstico se centra en el plano individual y sectorial, a diferencia de la de la OIT, de ámbito nacional. Según los autores, este método permite evaluar los progresos hacia el trabajo decente y desarrollar estrategias sectoriales empíricamente sustentadas para superar los déficits al respecto.

AbstractBased on nine of the indicators identified by the ILO's 2008 Tripartite Meeting of Experts on the Measurement of Decent Work, the authors develop a questionnaire, supplemented by in‐depth interviews, to assess job quality in the security, farming and hospitality industries in South Africa's Gauteng province. Their diagnostic tool differs from the standard ILO index in that it focuses on individual workers at industry level rather than conditions at country level. This approach, the authors argue, can be used to monitor progress towards decent work while enabling key actors at industry level to develop evidence‐led strategies to overcome decent work deficits.