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"Political Marketing: Theories and Concepts provides students with a valuable and critical understanding of how political parties use marketing to attain their aims. Unlike other textbooks, this text explicitly focuses on the theoretical underpinnings and cutting edge concepts used by political parties, allowing students to gain key insights into how they win elections and remain in power. With an engaging and thought provoking topic selection, these field-leading authors have ensured that this often complex and theoretically advanced topic is clearly accessible for a student audience and novice researchers. Key features of each chapter include: Short chapter introduction and learning summaries ; Discussion questions to share in the classroom ; Annotated suggestions for further reading ; Lists of key terms to consider."--Publisher's website

The political marketing exchange is triadic in structure, as promises given by political actors in the context of an election campaign can only be reciprocated if 1. the political actor is selected, 2. has influence over legislation negotiations, and 3. is in a position to deliver on these promises. In each of these three 'interaction marketplaces', political actors are indirectly influenced by stakeholders. These 'indirect stakeholders' are often public affairs practitioners engaged in lobbying activities in the political sphere. This paper integrates the triadic interaction model of political marketing exchange with the political marketing stakeholder concept and highlights how public affairs practitioners can target their efforts for maximum benefit. This aim is motivated by a need to increase our understanding of how political marketing theory can help political actors and their stakeholders to optimise the resources that are used on marketing activities across the electoral cycle.

The political marketing exchange is triadic in structure, as promises given by political actors in the context of an election campaign can only be reciprocated if 1. the political actor is selected, 2. has influence over legislation negotiations, and 3. is in a position to deliver on these promises. In each of these three 'interaction marketplaces', political actors are indirectly influenced by stakeholders. These 'indirect stakeholders' are often public affairs practitioners engaged in lobbying activities in the political sphere. This paper integrates the triadic interaction model of political marketing exchange with the political marketing stakeholder concept and highlights how public affairs practitioners can target their efforts for maximum benefit. This aim is motivated by a need to increase our understanding of how political marketing theory can help political actors and their stakeholders to optimise the resources that are used on marketing activities across the electoral cycle.

Stakeholders influence the ability of organisations to achieve their aims, but little work has been carried out into understanding the stakeholder concept as applied to political actors. This paper first discusses the contextual nature of stakeholders using normative and strategic, and broad and narrow dimensions, integrating these 2 dimensions with power asymmetries and reciprocity. This paper then argues that a broad stakeholder concept for the political marketing context reconciles strategic and normative issues, as whilst successful interactions with specific stakeholders are necessary to achieve completed political exchanges of value, all stakeholders that exist in democratic societies have some form of moral claim to representation. As each political exchange of value consists of 3 consecutive interactions, the direct stakeholders in 1 interaction become indirect stakeholders in subsequent interactions. As each interaction occurs within a "marketplace" context, interactions in previous marketplace(s) together with expectations of the impact on future marketplace(s) influence current decision‐making. Finally, it is proposed that in the political marketing context, the stakeholder concept can be defined as "context‐specific agents that directly or indirectly influence or are influenced by the political actor."

This paper provides the first literature review of work using Lees‐Marshment's product‐oriented party (POP), sales‐oriented party (SOP) and market‐oriented party (MOP) process models with the aims of assessing the models' usefulness to academics, practitioners and educators. This is motivated by an urgent need to evaluate models that claim to balance explanatory power, practical applicability and pedagogic value. Our literature review demonstrates that although the process models can be used in a classroom setting, empirical results are ambivalent as to the usefulness and even existence of the MOP process in contrast to the POP and/or SOP processes. We conclude that academics need to revisit the conceptualisation of the process models, that practitioners need to be aware of the strengths and weaknesses of the process models, especially the assertion that the MOP process is normatively 'superior' to the SOP and POP process models, and that educators can use the process models to introduce political marketing before moving on to more comprehensive models. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This article presents conceptual and empirical criticisms of the Lees-Marshment market-oriented party model. Conceptual criticisms are the short-term approach, the narrow focus on voters, the nature of the relationship to competitors, a tendency towards centralisation and the lack of a distinction between the related concepts of 'market orientation' and 'marketing orientation'. Empirical studies demonstrate problems with the model when applied to certain party types and electoral systems, the limitations on implementation of the model due to ideology and scarce resources, the partial application of the model in practice, and the constraints on the market-oriented party when in government.

This article is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. In our article, we demonstrate how Ormrod's conceptual model of political market orientation complements political science models of party organization by drawing attention to the competing interests of stakeholders in shaping party strategy and organizational structure. We treat parties as a multitude of actors rather than as monolithic entities and thus address the dearth of literature on the micro foundations of parties. Whilst the underlying conceptualization of a political market orientation draws on the management-based 'relationship marketing' approach, we acknowledge that the commercial and political contexts are not isomorphic, and thus we strive for contextual sensitivity. By adopting this approach it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties with the resulting emphasis on communication tactics at election time, together with a more general 'commodification' of politics, can be assuaged. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright holder.]

This article is motivated by the growing need to integrate the current political science and marketing literature in order to provide a deeper understanding of the behaviour of political actors and their relationships with relevant stakeholder groups. In our article, we demonstrate how Ormrod's conceptual model of political market orientation complements political science models of party organization by drawing attention to the competing interests of stakeholders in shaping party strategy and organizational structure. We treat parties as a multitude of actors rather than as monolithic entities and thus address the dearth of literature on the micro foundations of parties. Whilst the underlying conceptualization of a political market orientation draws on the management-based 'relationship marketing' approach, we acknowledge that the commercial and political contexts are not isomorphic, and thus we strive for contextual sensitivity. By adopting this approach it is hoped that the fears noted by political scientists that political marketing is solely concerned with applying standard management models to political parties with the resulting emphasis on communication tactics at election time, together with a more general 'commodification' of politics, can be assuaged.