Suchergebnisse

Good citizenship includes fair competitive strategies. Dishonest competitive behaviour – such as fraud – can reflect the absence of one main characteristic of good citizenship as mindfulness of laws and social rules. This article investigates the social representation of
competition and fraud with two samples of students from business schools in France and in Hungary. Two complementary studies were carried out with P. Vergès' associative method and C. Flament and M. L. Rouquette's tools. The purpose of the first study (NFrench=104,
NHungarian=107) was to characterize the central core of the respondents' representation of both competition and fraud. On the basis of different cultural, historical and economic backgrounds, it was expected that the concepts of fraud and competition would overlap more extensively
among Hungarian students than among French students. Results from the first study suggest only slight differences regarding the content of the representations; moreover, in both samples the representations of competition and fraud lacked significant overlap. Hungarian representations of competition
and fraud are characterized by a lower level of coherence. Furthermore, academic cheating is mentioned more frequently by Hungarian students than by French students. Following the methodological guidelines of social representations, in order to confirm the results of the first study, a second
investigation was carried out (NFrench=115, NHungarian=127) with an alternative associative method. These results confirmed the first study in terms of the content of the social representations and differences regarding coherence. Finally, in the case of Hungarian students
a higher prevalence of reference to academic cheating, and links between fraud and competition were found. Hungarians' competitive result orientation, linked social representations of competition and fraud via a higher prevalence of academic cheating; this refers to the weaker inclination
of Hungarians in terms of rule keeping behaviours. which is one of the hallmarks of a good citizen. In fact, our results indicate that, Hungarian students do not seem to consider academic cheating as problematic as French students do.

AbstractEvidence was found that perceived similarity with a famous person in gender, age, cultural background and attitudes increases the attraction towards this celebrity. Previous studies have also revealed that sexual minority individuals and those with a sexual attraction towards a famous person of the opposite gender are more likely to become obsessed with their favorite celebrity. Based on these findings, this study aimed to explore how heteronormative attitudes—gender role and behavioral expectations for men and women—are associated with celebrity worship in LGB+ and heterosexual individuals. An online questionnaire was administered to 1,763 Hungarian adults (66.4% male, 14.7% LGB+ individuals, Mage = 37.2 years, SD = 11.4). Heterosexual individuals with a favorite celebrity of the same gender reported stronger heteronormative attitudes in terms of gender roles and behaviors than LGB+ individuals. Furthermore, this aspect of heteronormative attitudes predicted higher levels of celebrity worship in individuals with a favorite celebrity of their own gender, irrespective of sexual orientation. However, heteronormative attitudes explained only a small proportion of the variance of celebrity worship (1–6%), indicating that heteronormativity has no substantial impact on celebrity admiration.

<b><i>Background:</i></b> Work has a crucial role in individuals' productivity, social life, and psychological well-being. Despite various definitions of work addiction in the literature, the number of psychometrically reliable instruments is limited. <b><i>Objectives:</i></b> The aim of this study was to psychometrically test and revise the factor structure of the Work Addiction Risk Test (WART), one of the most widely used instruments assessing work addiction. <b><i>Method:</i></b> The full version of the WART [Robinson, Post, &amp; Khakee, 1992] was assessed using a nationally representative sample of Hungary (<i>n</i> = 2,710). To increase validity, the analyses were conducted among individuals who worked at least 40 h a week (<i>n</i> = 1,286, 43% women, mean age = 38.9 years, SD = 10.8). <b><i>Results:</i></b> Using confirmatory factor analysis, the originally proposed 4- and 5-factor solutions did not have adequate model fit indices. Thus, the sample was randomly divided into 2 subsamples. Exploratory factor analysis conducted in the first half of the sample supported a 4-factor solution, which was confirmed in the other half of the sample. The Work Addiction Risk Test Revised (WART-R) comprises 17 items and 4 factors (i.e., Overcommitment, Impatience, Hard-working, and Salience). Using a latent class analysis, a cutoff score (51 points out of 68) for the high risk of work addiction was determined. Almost one in 10 participants (9.3%) were identified as being symptomatic of work addiction, and these individuals also reported an elevated level of mental distress and hostility. <b><i>Conclusions:</i></b> As a conclusion, the WART-R is suitable to be used as an indicator of work addiction based on clinically relevant symptom dimensions.

We conducted preregistered replications of 28 classic and contemporary published findings, with protocols that were peer reviewed in advance, to examine variation in effect magnitudes across samples and settings. Each protocol was administered to approximately half of 125 samples that comprised 15,305 participants from 36 countries and territories. Using the conventional criterion of statistical significance (p < .05), we found that 15 (54%) of the replications provided evidence of a statistically significant effect in the same direction as the original finding. With a strict significance criterion (p < .0001), 14 (50%) of the replications still provided such evidence, a reflection of the extremely high-powered design. Seven (25%) of the replications yielded effect sizes larger than the original ones, and 21 (75%) yielded effect sizes smaller than the original ones. The median comparable Cohen's ds were 0.60 for the original findings and 0.15 for the replications. The effect sizes were small (< 0.20) in 16 of the replications (57%), and 9 effects (32%) were in the direction opposite the direction of the original effect. Across settings, the Q statistic indicated significant heterogeneity in 11 (39%) of the replication effects, and most of those were among the findings with the largest overall effect sizes; only 1 effect that was near zero in the aggregate showed significant heterogeneity according to this measure. Only 1 effect had a tau value greater than .20, an indication of moderate heterogeneity. Eight others had tau values near or slightly above .10, an indication of slight heterogeneity. Moderation tests indicated that very little heterogeneity was attributable to the order in which the tasks were performed or whether the tasks were administered in lab versus online. Exploratory comparisons revealed little heterogeneity between Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic (WEIRD) cultures and less WEIRD cultures (i.e., cultures with relatively high and low WEIRDness scores, respectively). Cumulatively, variability in the observed effect sizes was attributable more to the effect being studied than to the sample or setting in which it was studied.