Suchergebnisse

En la península y en el golfo de California, el proceso de conquista colonial impuso un proceso de antropización-colonización de la relación sociedad-naturaleza a lo largo del tiempo moderno y contemporáneo. Desde el siglo XVI, este cambio se implementó mediante la inserción de los recursos naturales terrestres y marinos disponibles en el territorio sudcaliforniano en el marco de la Economía Mundo. La península y el golfo de California se vieron sometidos a un proceso, a largo plazo, de saqueo y despojo territorial que denomino "Apropiación Asimétrica" (que se traduce en una línea temporal de cuatro momentos históricos, algunos coetáneos, desde el siglo XVI al siglo XXI). En el primer momento de esta línea temporal, se describe en el texto cómo la Corona transfirió, mediante diversos sistemas de cesión territorial, el control de recursos (perlas, acuacultura, guano, sal, etc.) hacia empresarios privados encargados de extraer el capital natural para comercializarlo en mercados globales entre el siglo XVI y el siglo XX. Esta capitalización/privatización de recursos costeros-marinos a lo largo del siglo XX se evidenció en un proceso de especulación financiero territorial, orientado al desarrollo del turismo de masas como eje del modelo de desarrollo económico (tercer y cuarto momento histórico de la Apropiación Asimétrica que se analiza en el texto. La propuesta de metodología de investigación parte del trabajo que desarrollamos en el campo de la Historia Ambiental, entendida como estudio sobre las relaciones entre sociedad y naturaleza a lo largo del mundo moderno y contemporáneo, estudiado mediante el análisis de los documentos archivísticos y bibliografía de coetáneos, viajeros o documentos institucionales. Esta propuesta metodológica supone el estudio de los cambios territoriales, ambientales y socioeconómicos junto al impacto de los mismos en el capital natural del territorio sudcaliforniano, procesos que generan conflictos y luchas contra el extractivismo y despojo como modelo económico. Desde el campo de la Historia Ambiental, el concepto de extractivismo es definido como transferencia de bienes naturales de manejo comunitario hacia la esfera del mercado, enajenados los pueblos y beneficiados sectores empresariales con este proceso de privatización. De igual manera, el concepto de apropiación asimétrica implica la identificación de cómo la transferencia verificada mediante el extractivismo y despojo territorial impacta sobre la arquitectura del modelo de desarrollo económico generando episodios y realidades de injusticia ambiental, dando lugar a importantes desequilibrios territoriales. Estos desequilibrios territoriales tienen una matriz histórica que la Historia Ambiental permite narrar como un contínuum, pero que como práctica de colonización del territorio llega hasta inicios del siglo XXI como demuestra el estudio del impacto del capitalismo financiero en Baja California.

The aim of this article is to analyze Chinese State-construction program within thew last hundred years, with the definitive annexation of Central Asian peripheral territories to its frontiers; in doing this, we will use Norbert Elias' "civilité" concept as our starting point, as the "expression and symbol of a social formation that encompasses the most diverse nationalities". Chinese territorial expansion, a consequence of the conquest by the People's Republic of China (PRC) in the mid-20th century of most of the territories already annexed by the Qing, has left the contemporary Chinese state with ethnic and political complexities. We will therefore reflect on whether sinicization was a real phenomenon, whether highlighting the non-Han ethnicity in history undermined the unity of the country, and on the legitimation of the Qing conquests in Central Asia and its narrativization as "unification" by the PRC. The issue will be analyzed from a decolonial perspective, focusing on the hegemonic and unequal relations that are established between China and the non-Sinic populations that live within its borders. We will pay special attention to the Uyghur case. ; Objetivo de este artículo es analizar el programa de construcción estatal chino en los últimos dos siglos, con la anexión definitiva de territorios periféricos centroasiáticos a sus fronteras, partiendo del concepto de "civilité" expuesto por Norbert Elías, cual "expresión y símbolo de una formación social que abarca a las más diversas nacionalidades". La expansión territorial china, consecuencia de la conquista por parte de la República Popular China (RPCh) a mediados del siglo XX de la mayoría de los territorios ya anexionados por los Qing, ha legado al Estado chino contemporáneo con complejidades étnicas y políticas. Se reflexionará pues acerca de si la sinización fue un fenómeno real, si resaltar la etnicidad no-Han en la historia socavó la unidad del país, y sobre la legitimación de las conquistas Qing en Asia central y su narrativización como "unificación" por parte de la RPCh. Se analizará el tema desde una perspectiva decolonial, incidiendo en las relaciones hegemónicas y desiguales que se establecen entre China y las poblaciones no-sínicas que viven dentro de sus fronteras, y haciendo especial hincapié en el caso del pueblo uigur.

Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ditadura franquista espanhola, e como esta se ligava à fundação de várias lutas de injustiça ambiental em Espanha. Esta colonialidade pode ser observada nas críticas contemporâneas ao "colonialismo interno", que surgiram durante a década de 1970. Intelectuais verdes, tais como Mario Gaviria, chegaram ao ponto de descrever três tipos de colonialismo ambiental baseado no colonialismo clássico: colonialismo espacial, colonialismo energético e extractivismo. Neste artigo argumentamos que o caso espanhol ilustra que o sistema colonial global implica uma certa capacidade de reversibilidade. Em comparação com as democracias liberais, a colonialidade ambiental de um regime fascista envolve mais violência e repressão na colonialidade do poder, do conhecimento, e do ser. Tal reversibilidade, juntamente com os velhos padrões de colonialidade ambiental, leva os historiadores a criticar a retórica dos milagres económicos europeus e da alta modernidade através da lente da história ambiental descolonial. Podemos descrever o conceito de colonialidade ambiental a partir de três perspectivas. A primeira é a conceptualização do ambiente como um objecto de apropriação capitalista dos processos científicos supervisionados pelo Estado. Esta perspectiva pode ser descrita em termos da mercantilização da natureza. Em segundo lugar, e relacionado com este primeiro elemento, está a natureza coerciva de um Estado fascista que anula qualquer processo decisório ou participação social no campo da gestão ambiental. Finalmente, é a repressão violenta de um Estado fascista sobre qualquer forma de contestação social. A partir destas três perspectivas podemos concluir que a colonialidade ambiental deu origem a um ciclo de lutas pela defesa da terra, da água e da vida comunitária; estas lutas podem ser consideradas descoloniais, porque propuseram um modelo alternativo ao autoritarismo do Estado fascista. ; This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain's Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state's violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state.

Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ditadura franquista espanhola, e como esta se ligava à fundação de várias lutas de injustiça ambiental em Espanha. Esta colonialidade pode ser observada nas críticas contemporâneas ao "colonialismo interno", que surgiram durante a década de 1970. Intelectuais verdes, tais como Mario Gaviria, chegaram ao ponto de descrever três tipos de colonialismo ambiental baseado no colonialismo clássico: colonialismo espacial, colonialismo energético e extractivismo. Neste artigo argumentamos que o caso espanhol ilustra que o sistema colonial global implica uma certa capacidade de reversibilidade. Em comparação com as democracias iberais, a colonialidade ambiental de um regime fascista envolve mais violência e repressão na colonialidade do poder, do conhecimento, e do ser. Tal reversibilidade, juntamente com os velhos padrões de colonialidade ambiental, leva os historiadores a criticar a retórica dos milagres económicos europeus e da alta modernidade através da lente da história ambiental descolonial. Podemos descrever o conceito de colonialidade ambiental a partir de três perspectivas. A primeira é a conceptualização do ambiente como um objecto de apropriação capitalista dos processos científicos supervisionados pelo Estado. Esta perspectiva pode ser descrita em termos da mercantilização da natureza. Em segundo lugar, e relacionado com este primeiro elemento, está a natureza coerciva de um Estado fascista que anula qualquer processo decisório ou participação social no campo da gestão ambiental. Finalmente, é a repressão violenta de um Estado fascista sobre qualquer forma de contestação social. A partir destas três perspectivas podemos concluir que a colonialidade ambiental deu origem a um ciclo de lutas pela defesa da terra, da água e da vida comunitária; estas lutas podem ser consideradas descoloniais, porque propuseram um modelo alternativo ao autoritarismo do Estado fascista. ; International audience This article analyzes the emergence of the ...

International audience ; This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain's Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state's violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state. ; Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ditadura franquista espanhola, e como esta se ligava à fundação de várias lutas de injustiça ambiental em Espanha. Esta colonialidade pode ser observada nas críticas contemporâneas ao "colonialismo interno", que surgiram durante a década de 1970. Intelectuais verdes, tais como Mario Gaviria, chegaram ao ponto de descrever três tipos de colonialismo ambiental baseado no colonialismo clássico: colonialismo espacial, colonialismo energético e extractivismo. Neste artigo argumentamos que o caso espanhol ilustra que o sistema colonial global implica uma certa capacidade de reversibilidade. Em comparação com as democracias iberais, a colonialidade ambiental de um regime fascista envolve mais violência e repressão na colonialidade do poder, do conhecimento, e do ser. Tal reversibilidade, juntamente com os velhos padrões de colonialidade ambiental, leva os historiadores a criticar a retórica dos milagres económicos europeus e da alta modernidade através da lente da história ambiental descolonial. Podemos descrever o conceito de colonialidade ambiental a partir de três perspectivas. A primeira é a conceptualização do ambiente como um objecto de apropriação capitalista dos processos científicos supervisionados pelo Estado. Esta perspectiva pode ser descrita em termos da mercantilização da natureza. Em segundo lugar, e relacionado com este primeiro elemento, está a natureza coerciva de um Estado fascista que anula qualquer processo decisório ou participação social no campo da gestão ambiental. Finalmente, é a repressão violenta de um Estado fascista sobre qualquer forma de contestação social. A partir destas três perspectivas podemos concluir que a colonialidade ambiental deu origem a um ciclo de lutas pela defesa da terra, da água e da vida comunitária; estas lutas podem ser consideradas descoloniais, porque propuseram um modelo alternativo ao autoritarismo do Estado fascista.

International audience ; This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain's Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state's violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state. ; Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ...

International audience ; This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain's Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state's violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state. ; Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ...

International audience ; This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain's Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state's violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state. ; Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ...

International audience ; This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain's Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state's violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state. ; Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ...

International audience ; This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain's Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state's violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state. ; Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ...

International audience ; This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain's Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state's violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state. ; Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ...

International audience ; This article analyzes the emergence of the critique of the "environmental coloniality" of Spain's Francoist dictatorship, and how it connected to the foundation of several environmental injustice struggles in Spain. This coloniality can be observed in contemporary critiques of "internal colonialism", which arose during the 1970s. Green intellectuals, such as Mario Gaviria, went as far as to describe three types of environmental colonialism based on classic colonialism: space colonialism, energy colonialism and extractivism. In this article we argue that the Spanish case illustrates that the global colonial system implies a certain capacity for reversibility. In comparison to liberal democracies, the environmental coloniality of a fascist regime involves more violence and repression in the coloniality of power, knowledge, and being. Such reversibility, along with the old patterns of environmental coloniality, prompts historians to criticize the rhetoric of European economic miracles and high-modernity through the lens of decolonial environmental history. We can describe the concept of environmental coloniality from three perspectives. First is the conceptualization of the environment as an object of capitalist appropriation of scientific processes overseen by the State. This perspective can be described in terms of the commodification of nature. Secondly, and related to this first element, is the coercive nature of a fascist state that annuls any decision-making processes or social participation in the field of environmental management. Finally is a fascist state's violent repression of any form of social contestation. From these three perspectives we can conclude that environmental coloniality gave rise to a cycle of struggles for the defense of land, water, and community life; these struggles can be considered decolonial, because they proposed an alternative model to the authoritarianism of the fascist state. ; Este artigo analisa o surgimento da crítica à "colonialidade ambiental" da ...