Suchergebnisse

The Commonwealth has always had a central place in Malaya/Malaysia's foreign policy, especially in the period immediately after independence and in the first few years of the formation of Malaysia. This was the period when Malaysia needed Commonwealth assistance most, in part, due to its requirement for external defence. Such assistance was not only relevant in the context of constructive cooperation but, more importantly, there was no other organization at that time in the region that could be of assistance to it. Whilst Britain was keen at accommodating Malaya as a member of the organisation upon independence, it were the Prime Ministers of Malaysia who played decisive roles in determining the extent of the relationship with the Commonwealth. The benefits Malaysia derived from such association were also heavily shaped by the styles and perceptions of successive Prime Ministers. Although the emergence of ASEAN, OIC, and other similar bodies in later years of which Malaysia is also a member, has gradually eroded Malaysia's profound attachment to the Commonwealth, however, it has no intention of leaving the Commonwealth. It has continued to offer some degree of both tangible and intangible support to the organisation in which successive Malaysian Premiers have acknowledged its relevance to the country's foreign policy as well as it being a useful platform to articulate Malaysia's views on political and socio-economic matters concerning, not only Commonwealth countries, but also the world at large.

Fundamental rights have importance, concern and challenges to societies and states at local and international levels. Those are, however, more in developing states and democracies. Many Nigerian citizens especially civilians and the poor have gone into despair for most of the citizens' rights exist only on paper and are not realistic. This paper investigated the fundamental rights of Nigerian citizens: provisions, enforcement, and myth in these rights; reality and manoeuvre by various stake holders in human rights provisions; enforcement and safeguard. The study used secondary sources of data. It is found that fundamental rights provisions and enforcement in Nigeria are constrained by military rule, poor or no political will and commitment, poor constitutional provisions, poor legal aid and services, ignorance of the existing laws and provisions, deliberate acts to thwart the arm of justice, corruption, judicial incompetence, inefficient justice system, socio-cultural provisions, poverty, state aligned threats and intimidations. The study recommends extensive and intensive education and enlightenment to citizens, full monitoring and strict compliance with provisions on rights, broader and functional legal aid services especially to the poor and the ignorant, revamping Nigeria's justice system to reflect current realities and strict compliance with the rules of engagement by the armed forces, and reviewing laws such as the Penal and Criminal code laws to co-opt new trends and realities.

This article overviews the push/pull factors of citizens' participation in Nigerian politics. Citizens' participation in state politics is both integral and an indispensable part of every political system and development. However, it is determined by numerous factors which are universal, but relative in terms of contexts. Such a participation is affected by many factors in Nigeria. The study uses secondary sources to collect data and perform qualitative analysis. The study is timely and significant in view of the critical roles where participation plays in shaping and influencing Nigerian politics, especially at the current moment when it is being characterized by apathy and participation on two ends. It is concentrated on an atmosphere of push and pull forces, negative and positive issues and developments, this environment is manipulated by elites/politicians. This needs a change for the better, to inculcate hope, overcome despair, anxiety as well as increased ethno-religious and electoral tensions.

Penulisan ini memfokuskan kepada pengamalan dan pendekatan serta peranan Tun Dr. Mahathir dalam penyelesaian krisis ekonomi 1997/98 dan menumpu kepada pembinaan konsep dinamakan sebagai Mahathiriskonomism. Secara jelas, Tun Dr. Mahathir memainkan peranan dan pembinaan "ism" berasaskan corak pemikiran dan model kepimpinan beliau membantu Malaysia keluar dari kemelut kegawatan krisis ekonomi tersebut tanpa memerlukan bantuan asing yang membelenggu sistem politik dan ekonomi negara. Krisis ekonomi 1997/98 berlaku secara mengejut bagi Malaysia dan menerusi proses pemulihan dilaksanakan kerajaan, ia berjaya dilakukan dengan pantas kerana wujudnya polisi yang dijanakan oleh pengurusan Malaysia sendiri. Mahathirisasi dan elemen pengurusan yang jelas, ditunjangi kekuatan kepimpinan dan sifat keperibadian Tun Dr Mahathir, bersama pasukan pengurusan profesional telah menzahirkan formula Malaysia dalam menangani krisis ekonomi 1997/98. Pendekatan menangani dan memulihkan krisis ekonomi 1997/98 mencetuskan formula dan konsep yang dinamakan sebagai Mahathiriskonomism. Kejatuhan nilai ringgit serta terjadinya krisis kewangan yang memberi impak kepada sektor ekonomi dilihat menjadi satu peristiwa yang merubah pendekatan pengurusan politik dan ekonomi di Malaysia. Krisis ekonomi yang berlaku memberikan impak terhadap Malaysia dengan menjejaskan wawasan serta perancangan pembangunan ekonomi serta menyebabkan gangguan terhadap perancangan untuk mencapai kemajuan yang disasarkan kerajaan. Krisis ekonomi 1997/98 memberikan kesan besar kepada pelbagai sektor terutamanya perbankan, kewangan dan korporat, dan ia juga merunsingkan pihak kerajaan. Proses menangani kegawatan dan melaksanakan pemulihan ekonomi, kerajaan Malaysia yang dipimpin Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad menerusi mandat Barisan Nasional berjaya bertindak balas terhadap krisis tersebut dan memperkenalkan cara tersendiri berbanding dasar dan tindakan yang dipraktikkan oleh Thailand dan Indonesia yang menerima bantuan antarabangsa terutamanya IMF. Pengurusan secara profesional ...

Conducting decennial population and housing census has, especially in developing states, remained the main source of quality demographic data. In Nigeria, National Population and Housing Censuses conducted in her history have not only been significant, but also problematic, sensitive, expensive, controversial exercises, yet very crucial source of statistical data for socio-economic, political and sustainable development. However, sustainable development cannot be achieved with mere census figures unless they are reliable for planning and implementation, as no matter how abundant human and material resources may be available and committed to such, sustainable development will only be a mirage without reliable statistics and plans. The earlier scheduled 2016 Population and Housing Census has been shifted to the year 2018 and this article explored the stake issues before the 2018 census exercise. There are for the 2018 census exercise, major issues/challenges of unity and cohesion of Nigerian state due to threats of renewed militancy in the Niger Delta; renewed agitations for re-structuring Nigerian state by the East and West parts of the country; issues of large nimber of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDP's), especially within the North-East (Boko Haram) and North Central (Fulani/herdsmen-farmers conflict), and accessibility to many of those areas; feasibility of conducting it within the year (2018); proper and timely sourcing of funding, proper management/administration of ethno-religious issues of sensitive questions to be asked and answered and scams in recruitment/appointment of census officials and enumerators. The article recommended shift from the traditional and decennial to administrative census; intensive and extensive awareness and mobilization through (new social media, radio and other local and popular means of information dissemination) for the exercise; massive involvement of traditional and communities leaders; timely provision of logistics and transparent recruitment/appointment of adequate, but also competent personnel, and proper management of the data to be gathered during the exercise, openness in the conduct of the exercise to avoid unnecessary controversies and manipulation of figures for political, ethno-religious, regional and other negative interests.

One of the major characters of the Nigeria is the prominence of ethnicity, regionalism and religion in her formation from 1914, and the succeeding trends, particularly in her public affairs.These (ethnicity, regionalism and religion) have therefore, greatly been influencing her unity, cohesion, development and sustainability.Not only have these manifested and determined Nigerian state make up, structure and affairs, but also resulted in conflicts, threats to national cohesion, controversies, and unhealthy rivalry among the heterogeneous ethno-religious and regional groups in the country. This article explores ethno-religious and regional rivalry among Nigeria's prominent religions, major, small and minority ethnic groups.It also examined the factors responsible for, the effects of rivalry on Nigerian state and the policy measures put in place by various regimes to contain the rivalry. It is very clear from the study that the basic reasons for the rivalry are economic, political, power and fear of domination and supremacy by the others. The article also argues that although ethno-religious, regional rivalry has been a potent threat to Nigeria's unity and social bond, accommodation, stability and prosperity, it is also positively awakening individuals, religions, groups and regions to civic duties and political participation, stand for their rights, responsibilities, etc.The nature and extent to which the rivalry is pursued (either positive or negative) determines the consciousness and stimulation of drives by the groups to rise up to impending socio-economic and political development, which in turn speeds up the progress and development of the state, or further threaten national unity, social bond, and stability of Nigeria.

This paper examined the state of conditions and challenges encountered by internally displaced women (IDW) at three selected internally displaced persons (IDPs) camps in Malkohi, Fufore and Durumi. This study was conducted in an attempt to create awareness of the conditions of IDW at IDPs camps in Nigeria. It captured theexperiences and livelihoods of IDW at the camps and generated information on the state of conditions and challenges of the IDW through human security concept, empowerment and social inclusion theory. The study employed a narrative interview for data collection and thematic analysis for data analysis. It revealed that IDWencountered various forms of challenges ranging from economic challenges to absence of social networks and lack of targeted support. The responses of the IDW revealed inadequate measures by the government to enhance their standard of living at the camps. It is important to note that ensuring the protection and safety of IDW should extend beyond providing shelter and adequate facilities, to include provisions to protect their rights, ensure adequate livelihood and equal economic opportunities.

Kerajaan Malaysia telah memberikan penumpuan terhadap aspek keselamatan dan pembangunan pertahanan sejak dari kemerdekaan negara lagi. Pada ketika ini, ancaman yang dihadapi oleh negara adalah melibatkan dua bentuk ancaman iaitu ancaman dari dalam negara dan ancaman dari luar negara. Kebanyakkan negara khususnya di rantau Asia Tenggara telah mencapai kemerdekaan di antara tahun 1950-an dan 1960-an. Sebagai sebuah negara yang juga boleh dikategorikan juga baru mencapai kemerdekaan, negara-negara di rantau Asia Tenggara ini tidak lari dari menghadapi pelbagai ancaman yakni ancaman dari sudut dalaman negara seperti ancaman pemberontakan komunis semasa insurgensi, konflik etnik, ketidakstabilan politik, rusuhan kaum, masalah perpaduan dan sebagainya telah menjadi faktor yang juga telah mempengaruhi perbentukan Dasar Pertahanan Negara (DPN). Manakala ancaman dari sudut luar seperti persempadan, persaingan kuasa besar antara Amerika Syarikat dan Kesatuan Soviet semasa perang dingin yang juga menyebabkan berlakunya ketidakstabilan politik, konflik dan peperangan di rantau Asia Tenggara, persaingan ideologi, ketegangan hubungan dan konflik hubungan antara negara, ancaman terrorisme dan pemberontakan serta sebagainya telah mempengaruhi dan memaksa negara Malaysia untuk membangun serta memodenkan sistem pertahanan negara.

Objective: The objective is to make a comparative study of the Nigeria's First Republic (1954-1966) and the post 1966 federalism. The two periods saw Nigeria practicing federalism with different power sharing and governmental components arrangements. The study is significant at this time of search for a viable federalism, incessant agitations for restructuring the Nigerian state, and increasing threats to her unity and cohesion over the federal arrangement. Methodology: The study used non-numerical, secondary and historically documented sources to collect data and also used the historical method and practical events in Nigeria's journey of federalism to analyse the data. Result: In the First Republic, it was a fiscal federalism with greater regional autonomy and limited constitutional powers to the Central Government, while the post 1966 federalism had more and strategic powers constitutionally allocated to the Central Government. First Republic federalism was more disciplined in financial and residual matters and power with greater autonomy and competition between regions which greatly fostered development and accountability among them, with less constitutional frictions between the Central and Regions. Implication: The study fills an existing gap in the study of Nigeria's federalism viz-a-viz more calls for restructuring and or true federalism, number of units and devolution of constitutional powers, corruption, slow and discouraged development, which result in over-reliance on statutory allocations from the Centre, and intensifies struggle for resource control, although it on the other hand controversially guarantees the unity of the Nigerian state.

Objective: The objective of this study is to uncover the systematic but neglected genocide against the majority Hausa-Fulani and Muslims groups of Nigeria and alert all the stakeholders. Methodolgy: The used qualitative research (non-statistical) design to investigate and uncover the genocide. Secondary sources were used for the collection of the data from books, journals articles, press releases, rejoinders, public records and historical texts and materials; the data was also analysed using the qualitative and historical methods of data analysis. Results: The results show that over the years, there is factual systematic genocide against the Hausa-Fulani majority and the Muslims groups in Nigeria by the non-Muslims using various means and strategies – peaceful and violent, historical narratives, the media, public offices and positions; the various Nigerian state authorities have not been taking enough measures to avoid or stop the genocide. The genocidaires are and their actions are known to the Nigerian state authorities and in most instances move and operate with impunity. Implication: The study found evident systematic genocide against the Hausa-Fulani and Muslims in Nigeria. Immediate and remote legal, political and socio-economic measures must be taken by the Nigerian state authorities as the situation is further degenerating, and threatens humanity, Nigeria's unity and sustenance.