Suchergebnisse

This article examines the prospects for increased Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region, namely, joint areas of activity for the development and consolidation of cooperation between both states. Utilizing a historical-comparative method, we comprehensively study Turkish-American relations in this region from a historical viewpoint and predict the further development of this cooperation in the future. The key characteristics and features of Turkish-American relations in the Caspian region from 1991 to 2022 are identified, as are the causes of crises in relations between the two countries against the background of a change in US policy. Finally, we emphasize the importance of further strengthening strategic cooperation between Turkey and the US in the Caspian region.

Energy security has emerged in recent years as one of the cornerstones of the European Union's (EU's) foreign policy. The EU is highly dependent on imports of oil and gas, 35 per cent of which comes from Russia. Diversification of energy supplies is thus a key goal for the EU. The Caspian region contains some of the largest undeveloped oil and gas reserves in the world. The intense interest shown by the major international oil and gas companies testifies to its potential. Although the area is unlikely to become "another Middle East", it could become a major oil supplier at the margin, much as the North Sea is today. As such it could help increase world energy security by diversifying global sources of supply. Development of the region's resources still faces considerable obstacles. This study focuses on the countries along the southern rim of the former Soviet Union that are endowed with significant oil and gas resources: Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan in Central Asia, and Azerbaijan in Transcaucasia. The Southern Energy Corridor (SEC), which aims to link Caspian Basin and potentially Middle East gas supplies to Europe, is one of the EU's six priority axes of energy infrastructures. Drawing on the external governance literature, this article provides an analysis of the EU's efforts in the wider Black Sea area to increase its energy security. It concludes that despite difficult domestic and geopolitical obstacles, the EU is pushing forward its objective to establish the SEC.

Energy security has emerged in recent years as one of the cornerstones of the European Union's (EU's) foreign policy. The EU is highly dependent on imports of oil and gas, 35 per cent of which comes from Russia. Diversification of energy supplies is thus a key goal for the EU. The Caspian region contains some of the largest undeveloped oil and gas reserves in the world. The intense interest shown by the major international oil and gas companies testifies to its potential. Although the area is unlikely to become "another Middle East", it could become a major oil supplier at the margin, much as the North Sea is today. As such it could help increase world energy security by diversifying global sources of supply. Development of the region's resources still faces considerable obstacles. This study focuses on the countries along the southern rim of the former Soviet Union that are endowed with significant oil and gas resources: Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan in Central Asia, and Azerbaijan in Transcaucasia. The Southern Energy Corridor (SEC), which aims to link Caspian Basin and potentially Middle East gas supplies to Europe, is one of the EU's six priority axes of energy infrastructures. Drawing on the external governance literature, this article provides an analysis of the EU's efforts in the wider Black Sea area to increase its energy security. It concludes that despite difficult domestic and geopolitical obstacles, the EU is pushing forward its objective to establish the SEC.

This article aims to provide a historical ground for future research on geopolitical and economic transformations in Asia. It is devoted to the current situation around two Central Asian megaprojects: The U.S.'s "New Silk Road" and China's "One Belt One Road" (OBOR). Authors compare perspectives of these two initiatives and their impact on the economy and political landscape in Asia to evaluate the future of the region. Considering strategies of both countries, the authors conclude that "New Silk Road" is unable to compete with OBOR in Central Asia and, in fact, the U.S. had to concede the region to China. Even the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) that was considered overweight for OBOR has failed after Donald Trump's arrival to power. The current situation is favoured for China, and the only issue left for future discussions is whether Beijing possesses enough resources to do the projects in both Central and South Asia.