Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this paper is to explore the relationship between the Islamic religio-order and the fledgling democratic institutions in contemporary Afghanistan. This paper challenges the predominant notion that Islam and democracy are not compatible in Afghanistan by producing a historical account that traces the history of the Afghan religio-order in relation to the ever-changing political sphere. I argue that the Afghan religio-order has historically been co-opted and controlled by Afghan political institutions, no matter what political and ideological system was in place. The legitimation of the political sphere by the Islamic religio-order reveals that Islamic authority and legitimacy given to political institutions is shaped by political interests as opposed to religious doctrine. Finally, this paper builds on the historical analysis to argue that the contemporary Islamic democratic system provides for the first time in contemporary Afghan history an autonomous Islamic religio-order via the Afghan judiciary.

"The objective of Arab Criminology is to establish a criminological sub-field called 'Arab Criminology.' Presenting compelling arguments and examples that support the establishment of this sub-field, Arab Criminology will be of great interest to Criminology, Criminal Justice, Legal Studies, and Middle Eastern/North African studies scholars, particularly those working on Southern Criminology, Comparative Criminology, International Criminal Justice Systems, and Arab studies"--

"The objective of Arab Criminology is to establish a criminological sub-field called 'Arab Criminology.' Presenting compelling arguments and examples that support the establishment of this sub-field, Arab Criminology will be of great interest to Criminology, Criminal Justice, Legal Studies, and Middle Eastern/North African studies scholars, particularly those working on Southern Criminology, Comparative Criminology, International Criminal Justice Systems, and Arab studies"--

This article explores the impact of tourism gentrification on the residents of the Kasbah in the city of Tangier, Morocco. It utilizes qualitative methods to reveal how the Kasbah has become a site of contention between the Moroccan neoliberal state, the foreign investors and settlers, and the residents of Tangier as they negotiate place and identity. The paper will examine how the process of tourism gentrification is not only reinforcing a demographic shift in the Kasbah by displacing the locals but also how the foreign urban settlers are increasingly becoming the filter through which traditional Moroccan culture is conspicuously produced and legitimized. The article will end with a discussion on the mixed contentions surrounding the gentrifying presence of the foreign urban settlers on the residents of the Kasbah and the city of Tangier.

AbstractIn the protests that occurred throughout the Arab world, the criminal justice system has been the focal contention between citizens and the state. However, the notoriety of Arab regimes has compelled academics to devote their endeavours to political/religious violence, economic development/stagnation and the durability of undemocratic systems that has inhibited the production of criminological scholarship. The study of criminology in the Arab world is critical and necessitates special attention. The following article propounds the establishment of an Arab criminology sub-field that highlights strategies in research in the region, evaluates the current approaches, addresses the challenges and examines its implications on southern, international and comparative criminology.

One of the enduring narratives of the 2016 presidential election was the nostalgic journey President Trump took the American public on to construct his Islamophobic memory surrounding General Pershings actions during the American occupation of the Philippines. While the mobilization of memory by political actors is not new in Presidential elections, the mechanism utilized to impose and mobilize pubic memory was. This paper explores how the President Trumps tweets via the Twitter social media platform transform into mediated sites of contention in the nurturance of public nostalgia. As a public site that is visited by millions of people -the tweet not only memorializes events of the past but it mobilizes meaning, memory, and the societys sense of self, which has the ability to redirect and shape public memory. We argue that Trumps nostalgic colonial folklore via the tweet serves his ideological sentiments and larger political platforms in order to promote a vision of the past to provide his right-wing ideologies and movement supporters currency.

Abstract
In the MENA region, Algeria was one of the countries with the highest cases of COVID-19. However, like other transformative events in its recent history, the regime has resorted to a process of securitization that has allowed for the Algerian government to exploit the pandemic as a national security threat. This article drew on the concept of securitization to examine the Algerian response to the current COVID-19 pandemic. The paper will commence with an analysis of Algeria's securitization approaches to the Dark Decade and the Arab Spring. The paper will then argue that the Algerian process of securitization is a cyclic response utilized to reinforce the state's legitimacy and secure the regime's power. The paper will finally examine the implications of Algeria's securitization approach to COVID-19 on the Hirak movement, the regime, and the public.

One of the consequences of the emergence of COVID-19 has been the glaring racial and ethnic disparities that have defined the course of the spread of the virus. As a recent migrant-minority community in China, the Black community's experience has been defined by vulgar racism, exploitation, and stigmatization. In the context of COVID-19, the Black community in China was again a target of multiple racial projects which sought to label their bodies as diseased and physical presence as a threat to the viability and safety of the Han majority. The global response was to mobilize online to expose how the Chinese government is systematically facilitating discriminatory policies against Black migrants in China. In the present paper, we explore how Twitter was utilized to mobilize awareness about anti-Black racism in China. We first present a brief history of African migration to China and then discuss the Han racial ideologies that are inspiring the anti-Black racism. We then use latent Dirichlet allocation as a topic modeling algorithm to extract underlying themes to discuss how anti-Black racism in the COVID-19 context was framed and subsequently challenged by the global community. Finally, we conclude with a brief discussion on COVID-19 and the future of the Black community in China.