The British Social Attitudes survey series is carried out by Britain's largest independent social research institute, the National Centre for Social Research. It provides an indispensable guide to current political and social issues in contemporary Britain. This, the 23rd report, describes the results of the most recent nation-wide survey, including analysis of the following areas: civil liberties; Social identities; Disability; Political Respect; Employment Relations and Health
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In: Critical Elections: British Parties and Voters in Long-Term Perspective Critical elections: British parties and voters in long-term perspective, S. 124-147
' British Social Attitudes remains a beacon of excellence. It has adapted to the times providing a rich and textured guide to who we think we are, what we think and how that has changed' - Financial Times. ' an indispensable tool not just for governments, but also for modern citizens to understand their fellows, and themselves better' - The Times Higher Education Supplement. ' shows what the British people really think, as opposed to what journalists and politicians like to pretend they think' - John Pilger. The annual British Social Attitudes survey is carried out by Britain's largest indepen
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IntroductionThere are two main data sources for perinatal data in Ontario, Canada: the BORN BIS and CIHI-DAD. Such databases are used for perinatal health surveillance and research, and to guide health care related decisions. ObjectivesOur primary objective was to examine the level of agreement between the BIS and CIHI-DAD. Our secondary objectives were to identify the differences between the data sources when identifying a low-risk birth (LRB) cohort and to understand their implications. MethodsWe conducted a population-based cohort study comparing characteristics and clinical outcomes of all linkable births in BIS and CIHI-DAD between 1$^{\rm st}$ April 2012 and 31$^{\rm st}$ March 2018. We excluded out-of-hospital births, those with invalid healthcare numbers, non-Ontario residents and gestational age < 20 weeks. We compared the portion of the cohort that met the criteria of a provincial definition of LRB based on each data source and compared clinical outcomes between the groups. ResultsDuring the study period, 779,979 eligible births were linkable between the two data sources. After applying the LRB exclusions, there were 129,908 cases in the BIS and 136,184 cases in CIHI-DAD. Most exclusion criteria had almost perfect, substantial or moderate agreement. The agreement for non-cephalic presentation and BMI ≥ 40 kg/m2 (kappa coefficients 0.409 and 0.256, respectively) was fair. Comparison between the two LRB cohorts identified differences in the prevalence of cesarean (14.3% BIS versus 12.0% CIHI-DAD) and NICU admission (8.7% BIS versus 7.5% CIHI-DAD) and only 0.01% difference in the prevalence of ICU admission. ConclusionsOverall, we found high levels of agreement between the BIS and CIHI-DAD. Identifying a LRB cohort in either database may be appropriate, with the caveat of appropriate understanding of the collection, coding and definition of certain outcomes. The decision for selecting a database may depend on which variables are most important in a particular analysis.
The 2002 British Social Attitudes Report continues to provide indispensable information on British opinion and social values. The 19th Report summarizes and interprets data from the most recent survey, and makes comparisons with findings from previous years.
The indispensable annual British Social Attitudes survey compiles, describes and comments on a range of current social attitudes. The series charts changes in British social values, with annual surveys carried out from a nationwide sample of around 3,500 people by the National Centre for Social Research's team of interviewers. The 18th Report summarizes and interprets data from the most recent survey, and makes comparisons with findings from previous years. `The Rolls Royce of opinion surveys' - The Times.
Historical records and the research databases of completed studies have the potential either to establish new research studies or to inform follow-up studies assessing long-term health and social outcomes. Yet, such records are at risk of destruction resulting from misconceptions about data protection legislation and research ethics. The recent destruction of the Windrush disembarkation cards, which potentially could have formed the basis of a retrospective cohort study, illustrates this risk. As organisations across Europe transition to the EU General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR), this risk is being amplified due to uncertainty as to how to comply with complex new rules, and the requirement under GDPR that data owners catalogue their data and set data retention and destruction rules. The combination of these factors suggests there is a new meaningful risk that scientifically important historical records will be destroyed, despite the fact that GDPR provides a clear legal basis to hold historical records and to repurpose them for research for the public good. This letter describes this risk; details the legal basis enabling the retention and repurposing of these data; makes recommendations as to how to alleviate this risk; and finally encourages the research and research-active clinical community to contact their 'Data Protection Officers' to promote safe-keeping of historical records.
There has been extensive research on Scottish, Welsh and Irish nationalism but little on British nationalism. Analysis of the British electorate shows that British nationalist sentiments cannot
be reduced to the conventional left–right and libertarian–authoritarian value dimensions, and constitute a distinct normative dimension in their own right. They are related to attitudes towards Europe, nuclear defence, Scottish devolution and Irish unification. Although by no means as important as the left–right dimension, they are at least as important in contemporary voting behaviour as the libertarian–authoritarian dimension.
Analysis of data from the 1993-1997 waves of the British Election Panel Study shows that British nationalist sentiments cannot be reduced to the conventional Left-Right & libertarian-authoritarian value dimensions, & constitute a distinct normative dimension in their own right. They are related to attitudes toward Europe, nuclear defense, Scottish devolution, & Irish unification. Although by no means as important as the Left-Right dimension, they are at least as important in contemporary voting behavior as the libertarian-authoritarian dimension. 7 Tables, 2 Appendixes. Adapted from the source document.