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THIS ARTICLE RE-EXAMINES THE MEANING OF SOUTHERN PARTY LOYALTIES. DRAWING FROM SURVEY DATA GATHERED IN THE EARLY 1970S, IT IS ARGUED THAT THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL CONVENTIONS HAVE UNDERESTIMATED THE DEGREE TO WHICH INTRA-PARTY DIVISION IS MANIFESTED IN SOUTHERN PARTISAN PERCEPTIONS AND IDENTIFICATIONS.

A two stage socialization model is used to analyze ambition among black & white women who are active in party politics. It is hypothesized that learning or activities considered atypical for women will stimulate ambition among women, but that patterns of significant factors may vary across races. Data from 1977 interview conducted with 286 Atlanta, GA, party officials (103 white & 22 black Fs) supports the general hypothesis, although the staged model is given only marginal support. The ambition of white women is linked to nontraditional sex role beliefs, while black women's ambition is linked to current activities & the existence of parental interest in politics. Both sets of ambitious women report atypical sex role education in their backgrounds. 3 Tables, 1 Figure. Modified HA

The federal government system in the US creates the possibility that voters might cast their votes inconsistently with reference to party. While research has shown that little inclination to shift party with government level exists, it remains likely that the strength of identification might vary with level. Results here show that the U of Michigan's Center for Political Studies (CPS) questionnaire, the most sustained instrument delving into these matters, may mask rather than reveal variations. When the standard CPS question is used alongside an alternate question, the CPS question obscures differences in strength of identification. These differences are magnified because the voters for whom they pertain tend to be more politically active & more highly educated than the bulk of voters. 1 Table. G. Hydoski.

Data drawn from the 1980 & 1984 National Election Study are used to examine the traditional understanding that conservatism is located at the intersection of religion & politics & that this relationship is stronger for women than men. Findings reveal that religion is not a more conservatizing influence on voting behavior for women than men: Ronald Reagan did best with a small group of women fundamentalist believers, & did rather well among highly religious Catholic women. In most other cases the gender gap actually widened with increasing religiosity. Although women are more religious than men, political observers are cautioned that this finding cannot be taken as evidence of women's greater support for conservative candidates. 4 Tables, 4 Figures, 43 References. Modified HA

This article, by employing voting simulations in a survey of party activists, examines responses to a woman's claim to party office on the basis of her sex. The degree of acceptance of this claim or the willingness to grant what is called social representation, is contrasted with the respondents' inclinations to select candidates favorable to women's rights, or the willingness to grant what is called opinion representation. Variations in responses to the two simulations are analyzed in terms of attitudes toward gender roles, government intervention and the legitimacy of groups in the political process. Voting in the simulation involving opinion representation can best be understood in terms of the respondent's attitude toward government intervention, while the simulation involving social representation activates the attitude toward groups. Discussion of the findings focuses on the dilemma of group claims for minority representation in a liberal democratic context and the need for better understanding of attitudes toward groups among political elites.

This article uses discriminant analysis to assess sex and party differences across four aspects of party organization: incentives for participation, party role definitions, party activities and electoral ambition. The results illustrate that gender roles operate most distinctly in the two areas of electoral ambition and party activities. Party context is more important than sex in terms of the other two areas, party role definitions and incentives for participation. The authors conclude that party activists' gender-related behavior can be better understood by discovering how the context of party organization either modifies or reinforces such behavior.