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'This is an impressive book that makes both theoretical and empirical contributions. Based on a variety of micro- and macro-level data and sophisticated statistical analyses, it provides a quite original message: in the depth of the Spanish economic crisis, it was not economic grievances that motivated Spaniards of different walks of life to participate massively in protests. Instead, it was political grievances that were motivating them and that eventually led them to support new challenger parties.' – Hanspeter Kriesi, European University Institute, Italy 'The important new book provides readers with a fascinating contribution to our general theoretical analysis of social movement mobilizations and our specific understanding of the Spanish case. Making use of his wide-ranging multi-method research and the rigorous examination of various types of data, Portos engages insightfully with existing theorizations and improves on them in various ways. The result is a major in-depth contribution that will be required reading both for those who follow social movement studies and those who care about contemporary Spain and southern Europe.' – Robert Fishman, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid, Spain This book sheds light on the role that grievances play for mobilization dynamics in a context of material deprivation. Why do people protest? Do grievances account for the varying size of protest events over time? Covering different levels of analysis, the author argues that effects of socioeconomic aspects on protest are mediated by political attitudes, especially political dissatisfaction. The book develops a framework to account for the trajectory of the cycle of contention that unfolded in Spain under the Great Recession, contributing to the field of social movement studies and our broader understanding of European politics, political sociology, political economy and economic sociology. Martín Portos is Research Fellow at the Scuola Normale Superiore, Italy. He won the Juan Linz Best Dissertation Award in Political Science and the ISA's Worldwide Competition for Junior Sociologists. His research focuses on political participation, social movements, inequalities, and nationalism.

Europe remains an essentially contested project, in relation to its boundaries, institutions, and functional scope. In a context characterised by the detachment of key functions from the state, by legal pluralism and complex, overlapping transnational regimes, this article sheds light on the possibilities for plurinational accommodation in the evolving European order. Focusing on secessionist mobilisation, which is a major challenge to territorial integrity and the state, it explores how this plays out within the national and supranational order. Specifically, it explores how the discourses and frames around European institutions and (dis-)integration are built and evolved in the Catalan secessionist movement. In spite of strong variation of discourses across secessionist milieus, pessimistic narratives about the EU predominate, with a progressive estrangement between secessionists and European institutions – having in turn important implications for the prospects of a compromise solution. ; This work was supported by Scuola Normale Superiore: [grant Democracy in the EU and the Potential of a European Society (DEMOS); PI Donatella della Porta].

After a general campaign that aimed at changing the political and socioeconomic system, the 15M/Indignados abandoned the visible occupation of central squares decentralized through neighborhood assemblies, and specialized around different issues, such as housing, and the health and public education systems. Although often cohabitating amid tension, feminist activists of different generations forged internal and autonomous spaces that prioritized feminist aspirations and permeated dissent in the shadow of the Great Recession, sharing arenas with people who would not have been reached otherwise. Despite the feminist movement(s)' heterogeneity, intersectional character, and organization through polycephalous networks, it has in recent times grown to stand out as the movement with the highest mobilization capacity in the country. Based on original qualitative data from 12 semi-structured interviews with key informants and activists, the piece of research sheds light on the tensions between different generations of feminists. It will explain the continuities and discontinuities between veteran and younger activists' world views when it comes to their forms of politicization, theoretical underpinnings, strategic priorities, organizational configuration and resource mobilization, repertoires of action and cultural foundations. In addition, it contends that the ability of veteran and new activists to forge arenas of encounter, fostering debate and synergies during the antiausterity cycle of protest, were key to account for the cross-generational alliance-building processes, which have hitherto seldom been explored in the feminist movement(s) and beyond.

Traditional theories of collective action would predict that, after a triggering event, the trajectory of a wave of protest is determined by the institutionalisation–radicalisation tandem. Based on the Spanish cycle of anti-austerity and against the political status quo protest in the shadow of the Great Recession, this article contends with this approach, as a clear trend towards radicalisation is never observed as the cycle unfolds. An alternative interpretative framework is developed to understand protest trajectories when collaborative inter-organisational strategies prevail. The eventful 15M campaign triggered in 2011 represents the most remarkable turning point in the Spanish socio-political mobilisation scene in recent years and had a transformative capacity over subsequent protest endeavours. Specifically, after the 15M campaign, the combination of downward scale shift and coalition building shaped the trajectory of mobilisation, and allowed for the peak of protest to persist until late 2013, when institutionalisation took over. Data from an original Protest Event Analysis dataset are used to illustrate the main arguments.

Defence date: 17 January 2017 ; Examining Board: Professor Donatella della Porta, Scuola Normale Superiore/ formerly EUI (supervisor); Professor Hanspeter Kriesi, EUI; Professor Eva Anduiza, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona; Professor Robert M. Fishman, Universidad Carlos III de Madrid ; This thesis deals with the Spanish cycle of protest in the shadow of the Great Recession. It has a twofold aspiration. On the one hand, from a process-based approach, it seeks to unravel the timing of the cycle of contention that evolved in light of the recession scenario between 2007 and 2015. I argue that the peak of protest persisted for a long time (from mid-2011 until 2013) because institutionalisation was postponed and radicalisation contained. Specifically, I focus on three aspects, key to understanding the trajectory of collective actions: 1) issue specialisation of protest after the first triggering points, 2) alliance building between unions and new actors, and 3) the transition process towards more routinised repertoires of action that came about as protests declined. On the other hand, the thesis aims at shedding light on the role that grievances play for mobilisation dynamics in a context of material deprivation. Covering multiple levels of analysis, the main argument developed here is that the effects of objective-material aspects and socioeconomic grievances are mediated by political attitudes, especially political dissatisfaction. To empirically test my arguments, I use qualitative data from semi-structured interviews, which are combined with information from a self-collated protest event analysis and different statistical analyses based on time series, panel data and other survey materials. ; Chapter 3 of the thesis is based on an article published in Partecipazione e conflitto (2016)

Published: 30 July 2016 ; 15M mobilizations represent the most relevant events of a broader cycle of collective actions against austerity and the political status quo in the context of recession. This contribution introduces and explores an original dataset collected through protest event analysis conducted for Spain between 2007 and 2015. It allows us to pin down the longitudinal fluctuations of political contention over this period. Based on it, a chronology of the cycle of protest is established ; moreover, the temporal dynamics of some aspects related to protests are analyzed, such as protest participants, organizers, levels of disruption, evolution of claims and territorial distribution.

Las movilizaciones del 15M han sido protagonistas de un ciclo más amplio de acciones colectivas contra la austeridad y el statu quo político en el contexto de la recesión. Esta contribución presenta y explora una base de datos original recabada con análisis de eventos de protesta para España entre 2007 y 2015, que permite capturar las fluctuaciones en el ámbito de la contienda política a lo largo de este período. En base a ella, se establece una periodización del ciclo de protestas y se analizan las dinámicas temporales de determinados aspectos relacionados con las mismas, como los asistentes, organizadores, niveles de disrupción, evolución de las demandas y distribución territorial. ; 15M mobilizations represent the most relevant events of a broader cycle of collective actions against austerity and the political status quo in the context of recession. This contribution introduces and explores an original dataset collected through protest event analysis conducted for Spain between 2007 and 2015. It allows us to pin down the longitudinal fluctuations of political contention over this period. Based on it, a chronology of the cycle of protest is established; moreover, the temporal dynamics of some aspects related to protests are analyzed, such as protest participants, organizers, levels of disruption, evolution of claims and territorial distribution.

Based on theories of cycles of collective behavior, this piece establishes a periodization of the cycle of anti-austerity and anti-political status quo protests in the shadow of the Great Recession that Spain faced between 2007 and 2015. More specifically, it tries to explain why the peak of protests persist-ed for so long: radicalization was contained, institutionalization postponed and protesters' divisions avoid-ed. The crucial argument here, an innovation with regards to the classic theories of cycles, is that the high standards of mobilization persisted for a long time as the result of the issue specialization of a more gen-eral anti-austerity fight and the strategic alliances ––with varying degrees of formality–– that new civil or-ganizations forged with the unions. For illustrating the longitudinal dynamics of the cycle of protests, we use original protest event data.

Anti-corruption claims have been at the core of many mass mobilizations worldwide. However, the nexus between corruption and collective action is often overlooked. Bridging social movement and corruption studies, this article contends that believing in extensive corruption has a positive impact on non-electoral forms of participation. But this effect is uneven across the population and contingent upon the individual"s political interest and education. Using survey data from 34 countries, the analysis confirms that people prefer non-electoral mobilization when institutions are seemingly captured by vested interests. Moreover, perceiving endemic corruption is likely to breed indignation among lesser-educated and less politically interested citizens, who are keener to embrace anti-elitist arguments and ultimately engage in extra-institutional behaviour. These findings help refine theories of societal accountability, which generally assume that politically sophisticated citizens are the driving force in the fight against corruption.

The implementation of austerity and neoliberal policies has disrupted everyday life for a significant number of Europeans, especially among young people. Rising tuition fees, labor market reforms, levels of unemployment, precarious working conditions, and discontent toward the political status quo have contributed to increase moral panics and outrage, which have often triggered mass protests. This article analyses whether and to what extent young Europeans express their demands via protest claims across nine European countries (N = 4,525). We argue that examining political (institutional and discursive) opportunities and claims' attributes (such as actors, issues, targets) is important to understand whether a youth-related claim takes a protest form or not. ; The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The authors received financial support from the EURYKA ('Reinventing Democracy in Europe: Youth Doing Politics in Times of Increasing Inequalities') research project. This project has received funding from the EU's Horizon 2020 research and innovation program under grant agreement No. 727025.

This article explores frequencies of participation and nonparticipation in the 15-M protest campaign in Spain. Given the nature of this campaign, we focus on democratic dissatisfaction. Our findings suggest that, relative to nonparticipants, democratic dissatisfaction is significantly associated with multiple-time participation, but not with one-time participation. In other words, those who participated only once are not substantially more dissatisfied than those who did not participate. This is remarkable because the "indignados" label and the slogan "Real Democracy Now!" suggest that democratic discontent is a central factor uniting 15-M challengers. Relying on a general survey with questions on different frequencies of participation in the 15-M campaign and on qualitative evidence from two separate rounds of interviewing, we show that not all those who participated, when compared to nonparticipants, were in fact that outraged.

The 2015 long summer of migration has increased dramatically the level of citizen awareness and activism in Barcelona. In Spring 2016 a number of protest events in solidarity with refugees were taking place on a daily basis, promoted by a broad range of local groups, associations and networks. In the meantime, a change of government brought a social activist as the new mayor of the city, with the refugees' issue as a top political priority. Based on a number of in-depth interviews with key activists, this article presents, maps and studies the evolution of the local networks. Aiming at shedding light on meso-level mobilization dynamics, we zoom into Stop Mare Mortum. With a high level of politicization and focusing on refugees in transit, this initiative borne out of a small network of activists has gradually become an umbrella platform aiming to coordinate civil society initiatives within this field. Together with a unique combination emotions and frames for mobilization, SMM's ability to adapt its strategies, repertoires of action and organizational structures to a changing environment explains its mobilization capacity and the cross-cut nature of its constituency. ; Durante el largo verano migratorio de 2015 aumentaba de un modo dramático el nivel de conciencia ciudadana y activismo en Barcelona. En la primavera de 2016, cada día tenían lugar eventos de protesta en solidaridad con las personas refugiadas , promovidos por un amplio espectro de grupos locales, asociaciones y redes. En tanto, un cambio en el gobierno local erigía a una otrora activista social como alcaldesa, asumiendo el tema de las personas refugiadas como una prioridad política. Basado en una serie de entrevistas en profundidad con activistas clave, este artículo presenta, mapea y estudia la evolución de las redes activistas locales. Buscando arrojar luz sobre las dinámicas de meso-movilización, analizamos la plataforma Stop Mare Mortum (SMM). Con un alto nivel de politización y centrándose en las personas refugiadas en tránsito, esta iniciativa nacida de una pequeña red de círculos activistas creció hasta convertirse en una plataforma paraguas con gran capacidad para coordinar iniciativas de la sociedad civil. Junto con una combinación única de emociones y marcos de movilización, la habilidad de SMM para adaptar sus estrategias, repertorios de acción y estructuras organizativas a un contexto cambiante explican su capacidad de movilización y el carácter transversal de sus bases. The 2015 long summer of migration has increased dramatically the level of citizen awareness and activism in Barcelona. In Spring 2016 a number of protest events in solidarity with refugees were taking place on a daily basis, promoted by a broad range of local groups, associations and networks. In the meantime, a change of government brought a social activist as the new mayor of the city, with the refugees' issue as a top political priority. Based on a number of in-depth interviews with key activists, this article presents, maps and studies the evolution of the local networks. Aiming at shedding light on meso-level mobilization dynamics, we zoom into Stop Mare Mortum. With a high level of politicization and focusing on refugees in transit, this initiative borne out of a small network of activists has gradually become an umbrella platform aiming to coordinate civil society initiatives within this field. Together with a unique combination emotions and frames for mobilization, SMM's ability to adapt its strategies, repertoires of action and organizational structures to a changing environment explains its mobilization capacity and the cross-cut nature of its constituency.

Durante el largo verano migratorio de 2015 aumentaba de un modo dramático el nivel de conciencia ciudadana y activismo en Barcelona. En la primavera de 2016, cada día tenían lugar eventos de protesta en solidaridad con las personas refugiadas , promovidos por un amplio espectro de grupos locales, asociaciones y redes. En tanto, un cambio en el gobierno local erigía a una otrora activista social como alcaldesa, asumiendo el tema de las personas refugiadas como una prioridad política. Basado en una serie de entrevistas en profundidad con activistas clave, este artículo presenta, mapea y estudia la evolución de las redes activistas locales. Buscando arrojar luz sobre las dinámicas de meso-movilización, analizamos la plataforma Stop Mare Mortum (SMM). Con un alto nivel de politización y centrándose en las personas refugiadas en tránsito, esta iniciativa nacida de una pequeña red de círculos activistas creció hasta convertirse en una plataforma paraguas con gran capacidad para coordinar iniciativas de la sociedad civil. Junto con una combinación única de emociones y marcos de movilización, la habilidad de SMM para adaptar sus estrategias, repertorios de acción y estructuras organizativas a un contexto cambiante explican su capacidad de movilización y el carácter transversal de sus bases. ; The 2015 long summer of migration has increased dramatically the level of citizen awareness and activism in Barcelona. In Spring 2016 a number of protest events in solidarity with refugees were taking place on a daily basis, promoted by a broad range of local groups, associations and networks. In the meantime, a change of government brought a social activist as the new mayor of the city, with the refugees' issue as a top political priority. Based on a number of in-depth interviews with key activists, this article presents, maps and studies the evolution of the local networks. Aiming at shedding light on meso-level mobilization dynamics, we zoom into Stop Mare Mortum. With a high level of politicization and focusing on refugees in transit, this initiative borne out of a small network of activists has gradually become an umbrella platform aiming to coordinate civil society initiatives within this field. Together with a unique combination emotions and frames for mobilization, SMM¿s ability to adapt its strategies, repertoires of action and organizational structures to a changing environment explains its mobilization capacity and the cross-cut nature of its constituency.

Durante el largo verano migratorio de 2015 aumentaba de un modo dramático el nivel de conciencia ciudadana y activismo en Barcelona. En la primavera de 2016, cada día tenían lugar eventos de protesta en solidaridad con las personas refugiadas , promovidos por un amplio espectro de grupos locales, asociaciones y redes. En tanto, un cambio en el gobierno local erigía a una otrora activista social como alcaldesa, asumiendo el tema de las personas refugiadas como una prioridad política. Basado en una serie de entrevistas en profundidad con activistas clave, este artículo presenta, mapea y estudia la evolución de las redes activistas locales. Buscando arrojar luz sobre las dinámicas de mesomovilización, analizamos la plataforma Stop Mare Mortum (SMM). Con un alto nivel de politización y centrándose en las personas refugiadas en tránsito, esta iniciativa nacida de una pequeña red de círculos activistas creció hasta convertirse en una plataforma paraguas con gran capacidad para coordinar iniciativas de la sociedad civil. Junto con una combinación única de emociones y marcos de movilización, la habilidad de SMM para adaptar sus estrategias, repertorios de acción y estructuras organizativas a un contexto cambiante explican su capacidad de movilización y el carácter transversal de sus bases ; The 2015 long summer of migration has increased dramatically the level of citizen awareness and activism in Barcelona. In Spring 2016 a number of protest events in solidarity with refugees were taking place on a daily basis, promoted by a broad range of local groups, associations and networks. In the meantime, a change of government brought a social activist as the new mayor of the city, with the refugees' issue as a top political priority. Based on a number of in-depth interviews with key activists, this article presents, maps and studies the evolution of the local networks. Aiming at shedding light on meso-level mobilization dynamics, we zoom into Stop Mare Mortum. With a high level of politicization and focusing on refugees in transit, this initiative borne out of a small network of activists has gradually become an umbrella platform aiming to coordinate civil society initiatives within this field. Together with a unique combination emotions and frames for mobilization, SMM's ability to adapt its strategies, repertoires of action and organizational structures to a changing environment explains its mobilization capacity and the cross-cut nature of its constituency