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This paper investigates the incidence, trend and determinants of remote work in Greece. A crisis-stricken country in the years preceding the Covid-19 crisis, Greece entered the first wave of the public health shock as a laggard in digitalisation and remote work arrangements among European countries. While Covid-19 induced a spike in the use of remote work arrangements in many countries, this paper presents evidence that working from home (WfH) in Greece was subdued in the past decade. By analysing the profile of the job tasks and skill needs of Greek homeworkers, the paper also shows marked deviations in homeworking patterns and determinants in Greece, relative to other EU countries. This includes a higher prevalence of WfH among Greek females and non-nationals, limited use by young workers and families with children and a stronger relation with atypical work hours. While remote workers in Greece receive a 7% monthly wage premium, their jobs are found to involve standardised and moderate ICT tasks and to rely more on social serving tasks. The paper highlights that there is significant scope to enhance remote work in Greece, which can amount to up to 37% of all salaried jobs, subject to changing work organisation, norms and policies. In the coronavirus era, overcoming barriers to remote work will be key for the Greek labour market to adapt to social distances practices and digitalisation.

This paper focuses on identifying determinants of 'automatability risk', namely the propensity of EU employees being in jobs with high risk of substitutability by machines, robots or other algorithmic processes, and uncovers its impact on labour market outcomes. Using relevant data on tasks and skill needs in jobs, collected by the European skills and jobs survey (ESJS), jobs are bundled according to their estimated risk of automation. The paper builds on the methodology of previous studies that estimate the latent relationship between 'true' automatability and job tasks (Frey and Osborne, 2013, 2017; Arntz et al., 2016; Nedelkoska and Quintini, 2018) but utilises highly disaggregated job descriptions provided by a subsample of the ESJS, as well as information on jobs' skill requirements. About 14% of EU adult workers are found to face a very high risk of automation. The distribution of high automatability across industries and occupations is also found to be skewed towards routine jobs with low demand for transversal and social skills. The risk of job displacement by machines is higher among males and lower-skilled workers, with little evidence of polarisation. It is prevalent in private sector jobs that fail to provide remedial training to employees, accentuating the vulnerability of at-risk-workers and highlighting the need for stronger lifelong learning policies at EU level.

This paper provides an evidence-based assessment of the current situation prevailing in the Greek market for skills and jobs. The synthesis of available skills intelligence for Greece, the country most severely affected by the global economic crisis of 2008, is crucial as it is currently faced with tough decisions regarding the allocation of limited resources in the face of economic austerity. The paper engages in a comparative overview of Greece's performance on flagship Europe 2020 indicators on education and employment in relation to the EU. An empirical analysis of the incidence and determinants of skill mismatches in the Greek and EU job markets is also undertaken, using data from several European data sources. It is argued that a stronger vocational education and training pillar may constitute a valuable option for strengthening the links between the initial educational system and the labour market in Greece. But tackling skill mismatch requires skill development and skill utilization policies in the workplace. A stronger commitment to enhancing the skill content of jobs by employers via the adoption of high performance workplace practices, investment in continuous training, less reliance on casual labour and policies to support small and medium-sized enterprises in the war for talent are necessary if Greece is to make the most of its rich skills reserves.

European firms have increasingly invested in training of employees but differences across countries and types of firms remain - and the COVID-19 shock may have exacerbated them. This report analyses European firms' investment in training over the last six years examining trends, factors supporting training investment as well as the impact of the COVID-19 shock. We base the empirical analysis on a unique dataset, the European Investment Bank's Investment Survey (EIBIS), which allows tracking corporate training investment on a yearly basis. To understand dynamics underpinning firms' decision to invest in their workforce, we examine transition patterns and employ dynamic panel data estimation. Finally, we analyze the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on firms' investment in workforce training and transitions in and out of training. We find that despite a slow upward trend in training investment observed in recent years, supported by labour market recovery, differences across firms and countries have persisted. The pandemic risks aggravating these, through its asymmetric impact on labour markets and differences in corporate innovation, firm structure and resilience. While firm training can be an important element for firms and their workforce to adjust to the post-pandemic environment, asymmetries in training investment could make it harder for those already lagging. The paper concludes with a discussion of policy implications.

This paper employs a skills-based approach to identify individual and job factors most likely to be impacted by social distancing measures and practices due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Using data from the Cedefop European skills and jobs survey, a Covid-19 social distancing risk index (COV19R) is created based on skills descriptors that categorise jobs by their level of physical proximity to others and their digital intensity. It is conservatively estimated that about 45 million jobs in the EU-27 labour market (23% of total EU-27 employment) are faced with a very high risk of Covid-19 disruption and another 22% of the EU workforce – mostly medium- to lower-skilled service provision – is exposed to some significant risk. The burden of the Covid-19 social distancing risk falls disproportionately on vulnerable workforce groups, such as women, older employees, non-natives, the lower-educated, those working longer hours and employed in micro-sized workplaces. The findings call for immediate and targeted policy responses to prevent ongoing job losses and widening of labour market and social inequalities due to the pandemic.

This paper uses data from the Cedefop European Skills and Jobs (ESJ) survey, a new international dataset of adult workers in 28 EU countries, to decompose the wage penalty of overeducated workers. The ESJ survey allows for integration of a rich, previously unavailable, set of factors in the estimation of the effect of overeducation on earnings. Oaxaca decomposition techniques are employed to uncover the extent to which the overeducation wage penalty can be attributed to either (i) human capital attributes, (ii) job characteristics, (iii) information asymmetries, (iv) compensating job attributes or (v) skill needs of jobs. Differences in human capital and job‐skill requirements are important factors in explaining the wage premium. It is found that asymmetry of information accounts for a significant part of the overeducation wage penalty for tertiary education graduates, whereas job characteristics and low skill content of jobs explain most of the wage gap for medium‐qualified employees. Little evidence is found in favour of equilibrium theories of skills matching and compensating wage differentials. The paper thus highlights the need for customised policy responses (e.g. career guidance; policies to raise job quality) to tackle overeducation.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to investigate the extent to which differences in the subject of degree studied by male and female university graduates contributes to the gender pay gap in Greece, an EU country with historically large gender discrepancies in earnings and occupational segregation. In addition, the paper explores the reasons underlying the distinct educational choices of men and women, with particular emphasis on the role of wage uncertainty.Design/methodology/approachUsing micro‐data from the Greek Labour Force Survey (LFS), Oaxaca‐Blinder decompositions are employed to detect the extent to which gender differences in the type of degree studied can explain the male‐female pay gap. "Risk‐augmented earnings functions" are also used to examine the differential wage premiums offered to men and women in Greece in response to the uncertainty associated with different fields of study.FindingsIt is found that the subjects in which women are relatively over‐represented (e.g. Education, Humanities) are also those with the lowest wage returns. Gender differences in the type of degree studied can therefore explain an additional 8.4 per cent of the male‐female pay gap in Greece. A potential reason for distinct gender educational choices is that women opt for less uncertain educations that consequently command lower wage premiums in the job market.Practical implicationsThe findings suggest that the promotion of gender equality in Greece should pay closer attention to removing informal barriers to entry for women in educational fields traditionally chosen by men (e.g. more effective careers advice, work‐experience placements, matching of young girls with professional "mentors").Originality/valueThe paper is the first to investigate the contribution of individual's field of study to the gender wage gap in Greece. In addition, it includes the first‐ever estimations of "risk‐augmented earnings equations" for that country.

Résumé.Les données de six vagues d'enquětes du Panel européen des ménages (1996–2001) collectées dans onze pays indiquent que les travailleurs à bas salaire de l'Europe du Sud sont, contrairement à ceux de l'Europe du Nord, nettement moins satisfaits de leur emploi que les travailleurs à salaire élevé. En calculant par approximation la satisfaction au travail pour évaluer la qualité de l'emploi, les auteurs montrent que, si bas salaire ne rime pas nécessairement avec emploi de mauvaise qualité, les travailleurs de certains pays sont néanmoins doublement pénalisés: ils sont mal rémunérés et ont un travail de mauvaise qualité. Selon les auteurs, ce dualisme des marchés du travail en Europe correspond à des approches différentes au niveau national du compromis entre flexibilité et sécurité, cette dernière devant ětre privilégiée au plan politique pour améliorer la qualité de l'emploi.

Abstract.Data from six waves of the European Community Household Panel (1996–2001) in 11 countries suggest that low‐paid employees are significantly less satisfied with their job than the high‐paid in southern Europe, but not in the northern countries. Proxying job satisfaction for job quality, the authors show that while low‐paid employment does not necessarily mean low‐quality employment, workers in some countries suffer the double penalty of low pay and low job quality. Such dualism across European labour markets, they argue, reflects different country‐level approaches to the trade‐off between flexibility and security, calling for a policy focus on the latter to enhance job quality.