Suchergebnisse

Kontestasi politik di tingkat daerah Provinsi Kepulauan Bangka Belitung menghasilkan dimanika politik yang dinamis, perolehan suara partai Golkar pasang surut. Hal ini berdampak terhadap perolehan suara pesta demokrasi yang terlaksana di lingkungan Provinsi Kepulauan Bangka Belitung. Secara spesifik, penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis pelembagaan partai Golkar Provinsi Kepulauan Bangka Belitung pasca kekalahan di pemilihan Gubernur tahun 2017. Selain itu, penelitian berupaya melihat carut-marutnya proses rekrutmen politik di internal partai. Penelitian ini mengunakan metode kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data diperolehan melalui interview (wawancara), observasi, dan pemanfaatan data sekunder dan primer. Kekalahan calon dari partai Golkar di akibatkan karena institusionalisasi partai politik di internal partai Golkar Provinsi Kepulauan Bangka Belitung belum berjalan dengan maksimal dan baik. Selain itu, ada beberapa faktor kekelahan diantaranya, Pertama, dalam hal pengambilan kebijakan rekrutmen calon Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur di pemilihan tahun 2017 masih diwarnai dengan pelanggaran konstitusi partai dalam artian pengurus partai dalam rekrutmen tidak berdasarkan mekanisme aturan AD/ART partai. Pengurus Golkar di level daerah tidak dilibatkan dalam proses penjaringan, seleksi, dan penetapan calon Gubernur ditubuh partai Golkar. Kedua, adanya "politik dagang sapi" dalam proses rekrutmen mengisyaratkan kecendrungan uang masih sangat kuat dalam mendapatkan rekomendasi dari level pusat dan dukungan dari level pengurus partai di daerah

Political recruitment in the Prosperous Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS) has fulfilled a 30% quota of female candidates, but they seldom to be elected as legislative members. Political recruitment in meeting the 30% quota of female is inseparable from supply and demand sides. By using qualitative research methods, political recruitment process is analyzed of supply and demand sides, with data collection techniques by documentation and in-depth interview. The research finding showed that there were shortcomings in the supply side of the recruitment of female candidates, namely the low political experience and motivation of women to get power. This is related to the demand side, where there are still few women who have strategic positions in the party management. This cause of policy making in the party office less supportive of women to be elected.

In the history of political contestation in South Sulawesi as the election, there has never been a woman who has wonan election. Moreover, the female candidate is a newcomer in the constituency, while his political opponents in theelection are the incumbent. an incumbent is considered to have a greater opportunity than the other candidates,because it is considered to have more capital as the level of popularity and figuritas. Women in the political contestwould also have the same opportunities as other candidates, although the participation of women in a politicalcontest still an issue - an issue that marginalize women. It still can be minimized depending on how the power ofmodality which is owned by the candidates, in which a candidate must have akumalasi more capital so as to win adispute. This study aimed to analyze and learn how modality which is owned by the candidates in the administrationof the election, studies in Indah Putri Indriani as regent elected in the district of North Luwu, South SulawesiProvince Year 2015. The method in this research is qualitative research. The technique of collecting data throughinterviews and documentation. The results of this study found four dominant modality owned by Lovely DaughterIndriani compared to the incumbent candidate. The modality is social capital, cultural, political and economic. Thisproves that the beautiful daughter Indriani as a woman and also newcomers are able to accumulate the capital ithas, so it managed to win a political contest and also became the first female Regent in South Sulawesi.

Penelitian Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Aceh (DPRA) sebagai salah satu lembaga perumus kebijakan Aceh (legislasi), semakin menemukan "ruang politik" yang luas paska berlakunya Undang-Undang otonomi khusus untuk Aceh.Tetapi, sudah 10 tahun UU N0.11/2006 berjalan, DPRA dianggap masih lalai dalam melaksanakan fungsi dan tugasnya.Dengan demikian, kinerja DPRA dalam melaksanakan fungsi legislasi dipertanyakan dalam penelitian ini.Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif.Pengambilan sampel dilakukan secara purposive terhadap responden dengan mempertimbangkan relevansi posisi mereka dengan data yang diperlukan dan ketersediaan waktu mereka.Hasil penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kinerja DPRA dalam melaksanakan fungsi legislasinya dalam rentang waktu dari tahun 2007-2016 masih belum optimal. Hal ini dilihat dari segi produktivitas DPRA yang selalu gagal mencapai target legislasi. Cycle time Qanun Aceh secara rata-rata masih cukup lama dengan kualitas yang masih kurang.Tidak pernah tepat waktu dalam menetapkan program legislasi Aceh.DPRA juga belum bisa memaksimalkan sumberdaya dan anggaran yang telah disediakan negara untuk menunjang pelaksanaan fungsi mereka.Faktor yang mempengaruhi kinerja DPRA adalah kurangnya kapasitas teknis kelembagaan DPRA.Kurangnya idependensi lembaga DPRA dan anggotanya.Kewenangan formal DPRA yang semakin besar tetapi tidak didukung dengan kemauan anggotanya untuk menjalankan kewenangan tersebut dengan maksimal.

This research explains how the political marketing of Prabowo Subianto and Sandiaga Salahuddin Uno was conducted in the 2019 presidential election. This study uses a qualitative approach, and data collection methods use in-depth interviews and documentation. The results showed that Prabowo-Sandiaga tried to maximize all stages of their political marketing concept, nevertheless the political marketing concept carried out by Prabowo-Sandiaga had not yet had a good impact on the final results in the 2019 presidential election. On the other hand, all the stages of the political marketing concept carried out by Prabowo-Sandiaga in the 2019 presidential election slightly increased the total votes if compared to the total votes obtained in the previous presidential election. The stages of political marketing carried out by Prabowo-Sandiaga in the 2019 presidential election started with Segmentation, Targeting, Positioning, and Political Marketing Campaign Strategy. Prabowo-Sandiaga has several political segmentations which are then given a focus on political targets with patterns full market coverage. Prabowo-Sandiaga has a positioning on issues such as: Welfare, Justice, Prosperity. The positioning strategy pattern used is the rationalization strategy. Political marketing campaign strategy carried out with push political marketing, pull political marketing, and pass political marketing.

The researcher aimed to study the democratic process of the practices of the political parties of Bangladesh on Power Transmission since 2006. The study applied the qualitative descriptive method. This article aimed to measure the democratic process, power transmission, and the systematic crisis of the political parties with their wings. The investigation found that the practices of the parties are not purely democratic since the independence of the country. The government is mostly entitled by the two significant parties though there is a showcase of democratic elections. The election commission is responsible for the fair election, but unfortunately, that is not independent at all. Moreover, the most significant issue is the distrust amongst authorities. That is why there are constitutional changes usually happen due to dishonesty under the dominant party. The Study refers to the amendment of the 15th constitutional practice, making the election system unfair because the election was happening while the current government still controls the systems. It makes the opposition not to trust in the election commission. Thus, the country needs to have a non-dominant electoral mechanism and back to the amendment of the 13th old practices to make sure the democracy and transparency of the leadership in the country by the fair election. Furthermore, it will ensure the stability and the commitment of all bureaucrats to fulfill their services properly without any kind of influence.

This paper looks at the political family involved in the local politics in South Sulawesi, particularly the political recruitment mechanism and political party institutionalization from the intra-party democracy perspective. Based on qualitative analysis, the findings of this research show that, firstly, a large number of political families in Golkar Party at South Sulawesi are a product of the oligarchymeritocratic political recruitment. Political legacies such as activities in social and political organizations give more advantages for the political families both in the political recruitment process and the access to power. Secondly, the weakness of Golkar Party's institutionalization is showed by the dependence of Golkar Party to the party's elite and the existence of factionalization within the party. As a result of such weakness, several party leaders resign from Golkar Party, thereby strengthening the role of political families in the political recruitment process. 50% of the 2014 electoral vote for the Golkar Party in the South Sulawesi Parliament has been largely contributed by the political families.

This study aims to explore how the political dynamics in the local election of Makassar City in 2018. In particular, this study reconnoitered the causes of the victory of empty box and analyze the role of political parties and incumbents in the candidacy process and election. Qualitative research methods were used in this research. Documentation was carried out to obtain data related to actor networks in the local election, vote acquisition, election regulations and as well as political party support in the local election, which is obtained from books, journals and news in the mass media. In addition, FGD was carried out from stakeholders inviting academics, students and NGO activists to obtain data and interpretations of the collected data. Qualitative descriptive analysis was carried out by interpreting the collected data, verifying and generalizing the data to conclude this research. This research revealed that the empty box in the local election of Makassar City is actually not an empty box, nonetheless it is the representation of the incumbent who was disqualified from the local elections. Most of the political parties supported the sole candidate formally. It was found that there was a difference between party policy at the local level and party policies at the national level. Further, the party decision making was found to be centralized.

This study aims to explore how the political dynamics in the local election of Makassar City in 2018. In particular, this study reconnoitered the causes of the victory of empty box and analyze the role of political parties and incumbents in the candidacy process and election. Qualitative research methods were used in this research. Documentation was carried out to obtain data related to actor networks in the local election, vote acquisition, election regulations and as well as political party support in the local election, which is obtained from books, journals and news in the mass media. In addition, FGD was carried out from stakeholders inviting academics, students and NGO activists to obtain data and interpretations of the collected data. Qualitative descriptive analysis was carried out by interpreting the collected data, verifying and generalizing the data to conclude this research. This research revealed that the empty box in the local election of Makassar City is actually not an empty box, nonetheless it is the representation of the incumbent who was disqualified from the local elections. Most of the political parties supported the sole candidate formally. It was found that there was a difference between party policy at the local level and party policies at the national level. Further, the party decision making was found to be centralized. ; Este estudio tiene como objetivo explorar cómo la dinámica política en las elecciones locales de la ciudad de Makassar en 2018. En particular, este estudio reconoció las causas de la victoria de la caja vacía y analizar el papel de los partidos políticos y los titulares en el proceso de candidatura y elección. En esta investigación se utilizaron métodos de investigación cualitativa. Se realizó documentación para la obtención de datos relacionados con las redes de actores en la elección local, adquisición de votos, normativa electoral y así como el apoyo de partidos políticos en la elección local, que se obtiene de libros, revistas y noticias en los medios de comunicación. Además, se llevó a cabo el FGD a partir de las partes interesadas que invitaron a académicos, estudiantes y activistas de ONG a obtener datos e interpretaciones de los datos recopilados. El análisis descriptivo cualitativo se realizó interpretando los datos recolectados, verificando y generalizando los datos para concluir esta investigación. Esta investigación reveló que la casilla vacía en las elecciones locales de la ciudad de Makassar en realidad no es una casilla vacía, sin embargo, es la representación del titular que fue descalificado de las elecciones locales. La mayoría de los partidos políticos apoyaron formalmente al candidato único. Se encontró que existía una diferencia entre la política de los partidos a nivel local y las políticas de los partidos a nivel nacional. Además, se encontró que la toma de decisiones del partido estaba centralizada.

This study aims to explore how the political dynamics in the local election of Makassar City in 2018. In particular, this study reconnoitered the causes of the victory of empty box and analyze the role of political parties and incumbents in the candidacy process and election. Qualitative research methods were used in this research. Documentation was carried out to obtain data related to actor networks in the local election, vote acquisition, election regulations and as well as political party support in the local election, which is obtained from books, journals and news in the mass media. In addition, FGD was carried out from stakeholders inviting academics, students and NGO activists to obtain data and interpretations of the collected data. Qualitative descriptive analysis was carried out by interpreting the collected data, verifying and generalizing the data to conclude this research. This research revealed that the empty box in the local election of Makassar City is actually not an empty box, nonetheless it is the representation of the incumbent who was disqualified from the local elections. Most of the political parties supported the sole candidate formally. It was found that there was a difference between party policy at the local level and party policies at the national level. Further, the party decision making was found to be centralized.

Pascareformasi, pemilihan kepala daerah di Indonesia selalu diwarnai dengan penggunaan isu politik identitas. Isu ini sengaja dilakukan agar dapat mempengaruhi perilaku politik masyarakat mayoritas yang memiliki kesamaan identitas dengan sang kandidat, baik itu agama maupun etnis. Adapun penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan pendekatan studi kasus. Penulis menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan tujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana Hendrata Thes dan Zulfahri Abdullah (selanjutnya HT-Zadi) bisa tampil sebagai pemenang, padahal agama dan etnisitas Hendrata Thes merupakan minoritas di kabupaten Kepulauan Sula. Tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah untuk mengungkap faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi kemenangan HT-Zadi. Hasil penelitian menyimpulkan bahwa terpilihnya Hendrata Thes dan Zulfahri Abdullah karena terdapat beberapa strategi yang digunakan mulai dari membentuk tim yang solid dan kuat di setiap desa, door to door dan kampanye melalui media sosial. Faktor lain yang juga mempengaruhi karena efek dari pemerintahan masa lalu yang belum bisa memenuhi janji politiknya. Untuk menangkal isu politik identitas yang sangat masif yang digunakan oleh lawan politiknya, para tim sukses beserta kandidat meyakinkan para pemilih dengan program-program unggulan HT-Zadi baik di bidang ekonomi, pendidikan, kesehatan dan lain sebagainya yang akan diimplementasikan jika mereka terpilih.

Special autonomy as one of the strategies in overcoming social welfare issues is one of them in Aceh Province. The implementation of regional autonomy after the reforms marked by the issuance of Law Number 33 of 2004 concerning the financial balance between the central government to the regions. The hope is to make the regions more autonomous or independent in government, and a more equal financial structure and the right to manage financial resources that are more transparent. This research focuses on the impact of the implementation of special autonomy in Aceh Province, limited from 2015 to 2019 in poverty alleviation efforts. This study uses a qualitative method with a descriptive approach to literature study and statistical data analysis. Data analysis techniques in this study were using statistical data analysis obtained from BPS. The results showed that special autonomy as an effort to reduce poverty in Aceh has a very good contribution because it has reduced poverty in Aceh from 819 thousand in March 2019 to 810 thousand people in September 2019. And the use of the special autonomy fund was channeled through programs made by the Aceh government in the fields of Education, Health, and the economy.

This research purpose is to examine the aristocrat's power in the perspective of habitus, capital, and arena. This type of research is qualitative. The results of the research show from the habitus perspective, the leadership of the descent line has gained legitimacy by the people with the "lontara" principle that is still held firmly by leaders from the aristocracy until now and Aristocrats has been prepared to become a leader from next generation. From Arena perspective, it can be seen that patronage of bureaucracy and parties has a great influence on the continuity of aristocratic power and the political system produces political opportunities that are influenced by the popularity and capacity, Finally, Capital owned by the aristocrats that are social, symbolic, economic and cultural, of the four capital the most powerful is capital symbolic because the title of aristocrat roommates then capitalized as a political tool to reap the votes in political contestation.

Artikel ini menjelaskan tentang politik uang yang terjadi pada Pilkada di Provinsi Bengkulu tahun 2015. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif, dengan menggunakan teknik pengumpulan data yaitu wawancara dan dokumentasi. Sedangkan yang menjadi sasaran penelitian ini adalah Bawaslu, KPUD dan Tim Sukses. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa bentuk politik uang terdiri dari vote buying sebanyak 33 kasus, vote trading sebanyak 2 kasus dan club goods sebanyak 1 kasus. Semua laporan tersebut tidak ditindaklanjuti karena tidak memenuhi syarat formal dan materil serta kedaluwarsa, kecuai kasus PPK Singaran Pati yang digugat pasangan Sultan-Mujiono ke Mahkamah Konstitsi. Meskipun MK akhirnya menolak gugatan tersebut berdasarkan pertimbangan ambang batas suara antara pemohon dan peraih suara terbanyak dengan selisih diantara keduanya sebesar 14%.

The characteristic of a democratic country is implementation of election. In Indonesia it has include in national and local levels. Local elections held simultaneously in 2015, 2017 and 2018. One of the city conducting the election is Yogyakarta City. In the specifically this research explain about electoral governance in electoral integrity perspective. All stages of election which consists of pre-election, election period and post-election. This research use qualitative research method through interview and documentation. The results of this study indicated that electoral governance in Yogyakarta City has integrity in accordance with the principles of electoral integrity applied in the stages of election implementation include pre-election, election process and post-election. In this research are not use all of the indicators to analyse the stages of election. This is because adjusted with the findings of research with information obtained through several sources. The first, at the planning and program, the indicators analyse include the implementation of democratic principles, transparency and accountability. The second, socialization and voter information, indicators analyse include the implementation of democratic principles, transparency and professionalism. The third, campaigns, indicators analyse include transparency, accountability, code of ethics and supervision. The fourth, voting and vote counting, the indicators analyse include democratic principle, professionalism, institutional safeguards and supervision. The fifth, the resolution of election disputes, indicators analyse are ethical codes and accountability.