Suchergebnisse

Liberals blame the global retreat of liberal democracy on globalisation and authoritarian leaders. Only liberalism, so they assume, can defend democratic rule against multinationals or populists at home and abroad. In this provocative book, Adrian Pabst contends that liberal democracy is illiberal and undemocratic – intolerant about the values of ordinary people while concentrating power and wealth in the hands of unaccountable elites. Under the influence of contemporary liberalism, democracy is sliding into oligarchy, demagogy and anarchy. Liberals, far from defending open markets and free speech, promote monopolies such as the new tech giants that undermine competition and democratic debate. Liberal individualism has eroded the social bonds and civic duties on which democracy depends for trust and cooperation. To banish liberal democracy's demons, Pabst proposes radical ideas for economic democracy, a politics of persuasion and a better balance of personal freedom with social solidarity. This book's defence of democratic politics against both liberals and populists will speak to all readers trying to understand our age of upheaval.

Liberals blame the retreat of the liberal world order on populists at home and authoritarian leaders abroad. Only liberalism, so they claim, can defend the rules-based international system against demagogy, corruption and nationalism. This provocative book contends that the liberal world order is illiberal and undemocratic – intolerant about the cultural values of ordinary people in the West and elsewhere while concentrating power in the hands of unaccountable Western elites and Western-dominated institutions. Under the influence of contemporary liberalism, the international system is fuelling economic injustice, social fragmentation and a worldwide "culture war" between globalists and nativists. Liberals, far from defending rules, have broken international law and imposed their version of market fundamentalism and democracy promotion by military means. Liberal "civilisation" has fuelled resentment across the world by imposing a narrow worldview that pits cultures against one another. To avoid a descent into a violent culture clash, this book proposes radical ideas for international order that take the form of cultural commonwealths – social bonds and crossborder cultural ties on which international trust and cooperation depends. The book's defence of an older order against both liberals and nationalists will speak to all readers trying to understand our age of anger. This book will be of key interest to scholars, students and readers of liberalism, political theory and democracy, and more broadly to comparative politics and international relations.

AbstractPopulism is a paradoxical phenomenon that resists easy categorisation because it both rejects and intensifies certain elements of technocracy. Populist politics is at once a backlash against liberal-technocratic ideology and policy and an attempted corrective of some of its worst excesses, such as increasing inequality or pressures on wages. Despite deep differences, both rest on a binary logic that conceals alternatives to the convergence around variants of techno-populism defended by either 'corporate populists' or 'insurgent populists'. One alternative is a public policy programme focused on the building of an economic democracy with more democratic workplaces and a greater emphasis on the dignity of decent jobs, besides policies to reduce regional disparities and foster shared prosperity. But policies alone cannot fully address the deep-seated grievances fuelling the support for populists. Fundamental institutional reform is needed to devolve power and wealth to people and the places where they live and work.

Цивилизация – это новый стержень международных отношений. Брекзит, Трамп и возрождение России, Китая и Индии поставили культуру и цивилизационную идентичность в центр как внутренней, так и внешней политики многих стран мира. Инспирируя "культурные войны", охватившие Запад, а также сопротивление западному универсализму в большей части незападного мира, цивилизационные нормы апеллируют не только к разуму, но и к сердцам людей, их желанию и потребности в принадлежности. В статье рассматривается возрождение цивилизации как ответ на динамику либерально-демократической модели. Либерально-демократические системы государственного управления отступают, и само их существование находится под вопросом – не только из-за влияния внешних угроз, но вследствие внутренних процессов. Современный капитализм и либерализм высвобождают демонов демократии – олигархию, демагогию, анархию и тиранию. Эти силы подрывают основы западной цивилизации и бросают тень на универсальность западных ценностей. В ответ Россия и Китай взяли на вооружение модель государства-цивилизации, определяемого прежде всего не через этнические, национальные либо территориальные характеристики, а как воплощение уникальной цивилизации. Восхождение государств-цивилизаций не просто меняет глобальный баланс сил, но и ведет к трансформации геополитики от либерального универсализма к культурной исключительности, по мере того как мир становится "постамериканским" и "постзападным".