Ludite Pompeiani: nuove prospettive sulla cultura ludica dell'antica città
In: Materia e arte 11
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In: Pubblicazioni della Facoltà di Giurisprudenza
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International audience ; Recent research has underlined how games can serve as powerful tools for the creation of new social spaces, bridging different ethnic and cultural groups, both in the present and in the past. The scope of this paper is to explore whether games can offer new insights into that process of cultural co-optation that brought in contact the Roman world and the various ethnic groups that were progressively absorbed into Rome's orbit following its political and military expansion.In Roman Britannia, the presence of typically Roman game devices at sites that were occupied by the auxilia is key to understand certain aspects of the process of Romanization. These testimonies reveal how, during their years of military service, non-Roman soldiers had the opportunity to come into contact with customs and habits of the romano more vivere. Among such practices, an important role was played by game. ; Les recherches récentes ont montré que les jeux sont des outils puissants, aujourd'hui comme hier, de création de nouveaux espaces sociaux qui associent différents groupes ethniques et culturels. Il est ainsi intéressant de se focaliser sur les jeux afin de proposer un nouvel éclairage sur les dynamiques qui ont mis en contact le monde romain avec les divers groupes ethniques progressivement absorbés dans l'orbite de Rome à la suite de son expansion politique et militaire. Le but de cet article est de comprendre si le jeu peut offrir de nouvelles pistes interprétatives afin de mieux saisir le processus de cooptation culturelle.Dans plusieurs sites britanniques, occupés par les auxilia, la présence d'objets ludiques typiquement romains contribue à la compréhension de certains aspects du processus de romanisation. Ces témoignages amènent un nouveau regard sur la manière par laquelle ces soldats non-romains ont eu la possibilité, pendant leur service militaire, d'entrer en contact avec les usages et les coutumes du romano more vivere. Parmi ces pratiques, une place centrale est occupée par le jeu.
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This paper adopts as a starting hypothesis that the Italian Constitutiononly provides for constitutional, homogeneous or even occasional «revisions» (section 1). However, the author criticizes that political forces have intended to approve up to six times constitutional «reforms» that, as such, are not homogeneous. In particular, four of them failed to be approved, while two others, although approved by the Parliament, ended up being rejected after two referendums in 2006 and 2016 (section 2). Therefore, the analysis reveals that the original meaning of the concept of «revision» provided for in Article 138 of the Italian Constitution has remained firm (section 3). Finally, the author submits to scrutiny the so-called «Boschi reform» (section 4), which was addressed at the initiative of the leader of the Democratic Party, Matteo Renzi, and was finally rejected by popular referendum as well. Indeed, such reform posed serious perplexities, not only because of the violation of the direct election concerning the Senate, but also as a result of the contradictory nature of Senators statute, the excessive differentiation of legislative procedures and, finally, the violation of the constitutional principle recognizing the guarantee of self-government in favour of territorial entities.Summary:1. Constitutional «Revisions» and «Reforms». 2. The failed attempts of constitutional «reforms». 3. Article 138 of the Constitution still provides for «Revisions» and not «Reforms». 4. The Boschi «Reform» ; La hipótesis de partida del presente trabajo radica en que la Constitución italiana únicamente prevé «revisiones» constitucionales, homogéneas o incluso puntuales (apartado 1). No obstante, el autor critica que las fuerzas políticas han intentado aprobar hasta en seis ocasiones «reformas» constitucionales que, como tales, no son homogéneas. En concreto, cuatro de ellas no consiguieron ser aprobadas, mientras otras dos, aun siendo aprobadas por el Parlamento, acabaron siendo rechazadas tras sendos referéndums en 2006 y 2016 (apartado 2). Por lo tanto, el análisis revela que el significado original del concepto de «revisión» previsto en el artículo 138 de la Constitución italiana se ha mantenido firme (apartado 3). Finalmente, el autor somete a escrutinio la «reforma Boschi» (apartado 4), que fue abordada a iniciativa del líder del Partido Democrático, Matteo Renzi, siendo asimismo rechazada en sede popular. En efecto, dicha reforma planteaba serias perplejidades, tanto por la violación de la elección directa del Senado, como por la naturaleza contradictoria de la disciplina de los Senadores, por la diferenciación excesiva de los procedimientos legislativos y, por último, por la violación del principio constitucional de la garantía de las autonomías territoriales.
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ABSTRACTThe essay underlines that, even in the light of the current global challenges set out by terrorism and extremism, public safety is not a per se individual right but only the aim of a public function of the State. In this sense, the author holds that public order has a different meaning if taken into account in a democratic government or in a totalitarian one: in the first one, public order depicts a situation of "material" peace (the absence of disorder caused by human or natural events); in the latter, public order depicts the absence of "ideal" disorder caused even by pacific behaviours. He finally focuses on the extent of the limits to the public function of the State in this specific field both in general and in relation to the single constitutional rights. ; RESUMENEl presente artículo reflexiona acerca de las nuevas dimensiones en el planteamiento de la seguridad pública por el terrorismo y el extremismo. Desde esta perspectiva, el autor critica en primer término la tendencia a utilizar de modo impropio y confuso el término "derecho a la seguridad" por cuanto la seguridad es el contenido de una función del Estado que no se resuelve en un derecho individual; en segundo lugar, el autor confirma su tesis, ya sostenida hace más de cincuenta años, según la cual, de un lado seguridad pública y orden público son las dos caras de la misma moneda y, de otro lado, el concepto de orden público asume un significado diverso según el contexto político-institucional: "orden material" en los ordenamientos democráticos, el cual puede quedar lesionado sólo por comportamientos violentos o por hechos naturales (terremotos, inundaciones, etc.); "orden ideal" en los ordenamientos autoritarios en los que el orden público puede quedar dañado asimismo por comportamientos pacíficos como una manifestación pública del pensamiento; y finalmente aborda la extensión de los límites impuestos a la función de seguridad en la legalidad constitucional.ABSTRACTThe essay underlines that, even in the light of the current global challenges set out by terrorism and extremism, public safety is not a per se individual right but only the aim of a public function of the State. In this sense, the author holds that public order has a different meaning if taken into account in a democratic government or in a totalitarian one: in the first one, public order depicts a situation of "material" peace (the absence of disorder caused by human or natural events); in the latter, public order depicts the absence of "ideal" disorder caused even by pacific behaviours. He finally focuses on the extent of the limits to the public function of the State in this specific field both in general and in relation to the single constitutional rights.
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In: Democrazia e diritto: trimestrale dell'Associazione CRS, Heft 1, S. 19-21
ISSN: 0416-9565
In: Politica del diritto, Band 43, Heft 1, S. 77-82
ISSN: 0032-3063