Suchergebnisse

This study investigates the political and social consequences of non-citizenship on the Hispanic community and describes how the studies in this volume grew from a national applied research project to promote citizenship among immigrant Hispanics. By highlighting the findings of the studies on Latino naturalization contained in this volume, the author suggests some factors that can be promoted to encourage naturalization among long-term resident aliens. Should these efforts be successful, he suggests, the greatest obstacle to political empowerment in the Latino community will be removed.

Thirty years ago, political activity in the Latino community was relatively unknown at the national level. While there were Hispanic elected officials (HEOs) and Latino community activism, no one spoke of "Latino" politics or the "Hispanic" vote in national politics (Moore and Pachon 1985, chap. 10; Jennings and Rivera 1984). When analysts examined Latino politics, study was confined to the Southwestern states, New York City and perhaps Dade County, Florida. Now, however, Hispanics are one of this country's largest ethnic groups. Hispanics will be the largest ethnic minority group in the nation early in the 21st century (Edmonston and Passel 1991). Consequently, the political life of this community is coming under increasing attention. As examples, see May 1987; Didion 1987.This overview examines one facet of the increasing Latino political presence—the growing number of Hispanics elected to office at all levels of government. Because the reapportionment and redistricting that will take place in the next two years will increase the number of districts containing a majority Latino population, this discussion is particularly timely. Many newly apportioned districts will elect Latinos to office for the first time. Thus, this overview may be used to assess Latino office holding in 1990 and will serve as a baseline for measuring the impact of post-1990 redistricting on Latino public-officeholding.

To examine the impact of religion on the Latino vote, we draw on data from a pre-election survey of 1,603 Latino registered voters conducted in October 2004. We advance the argument that religious identity is politically salient only among Latino evangelicals. Controlling for a host of voting determinants, we show that religious identity has an independent effect on the vote among Latino evangelicals. Furthermore, Latino evangelicals who identify with the Republican Party are found to be more-committed supporters of the incumbent president. The existence of a religion gap suggests that the Latino electorate may become much less cohesive as a voting bloc as religious affiliation becomes more pluralistic in the Latino community.

Mexican Americans' rapid growth and com plexity compel awareness of this huge and often overlooked minority. Mexican Americans defy Census classification and color differentiation, departing sharply from the character istics of either European immigrants or black Americans. Such factors as settlement patterns, sharp discrimination and segregation, a historical lack of political opportunities, and depressed economic circumstances have made Mexican Americans one of the most distinctive groups in America today. Demographically, Mexican Americans are highly ur banized, young, disproportionately blue collar, and poor. Occupational gains are sluggish, with great sensitivity to changing economic conditions. Occupational mobility is so slow that it offers convincing evidence of a "dual labor market," trapping succeeding generations of Mexican Ameri cans. High immigration, poor education-particularly in Texas—language barriers, and divisive issues of bilingualism and biculturalism guarantee that many Mexican Americans will continue to experience poverty in the future. A hopeful sign for the future is the high level of political activity, both real and potential, now present in this community.

In a discussion of factors affecting the distinctive sociocultural status of Mexican Americans, the multidimensional character of this group is stressed, noting both its long-term presence in the geographical US & its status as one of the fastest-growing immigrant groups. Demographic characteristics are summarized, focusing on concentration in the Southwest, high urbanization, & disproportionate representation of the young, blue-collar, & poor. Vulnerability to economic fluctuations, language barriers, & restricted access to education are cited as factors perpetuating low Mexican-American SES. Potential & actual political mobilization is emphasized as critical to the future status of this group. 6 Tables. Modified HA.

Discusses key events in California's Latino politics & their major implications for other states & for Latino political elites. Due to developments in California, the image of Latino politics nationally has been altered. Three particularly salient features of this twenty-first- century image are: that Latinos are a politically active bloc; that Latino elected officials have authentic policy clout; & that both major parties vie for Latino support. All three aspects pointedly contrast with traditional assumptions about the Latino electorate. Tables. K. Coddon