Suchergebnisse

A credible analysis or proposal to solve the problem of the treatment of violence in divided societies has to based in a good understanding of the micro-foundations of the political mobilization in these societies. Much of the engineering models seem to have been based on rather strong simplifications of the electoral behaviour of the citizens. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the underlying political competition in divided societies with a neo-downsian model of party competition that is based on the interpretation of Tsebelis (1991) of the consociationalism. ; Una anàlisis creïble o proposta per resoldre el problema del tractament de la violència en les societats dividides s'ha basat en una bona comprensió dels fonaments microeconòmics de la mobilització política en aquestes societats. Gran part dels models d'enginyeria semblen haver-se basat en la simplificació de la conducta electoral dels ciutadans. Aquest treball té com a objectiu contribuir a la comprensió de la competència política subjacent en les societats dividides amb un model neo-downisià de competència entre els partits que es basa en la interpretació de Tsebelis (1991)del consociacionalisme. ; violencia en las sociedades divididas se ha basado en una buena comprensión de los fundamentos microeconómicos de la movilización política en estas sociedades. Gran parte de los modelos de ingeniería parecen haberse basado en la simplificación de la conducta electoral de los ciudadanos. Este trabajo tiene como objetivo contribuir a la comprensión de la competencia política subyacente en las sociedades divididas con un modelo neo-downisiano de competencia entre los partidos que se basa en la interpretación de Tsebelis (1991)del consociacionalismo.

Professors dels Estudis de Dret i Ciència Política van participar al congrés "Internet, Politics, Policy 2010: An Impact Assessment", celebrat el passat 16 i 17 de setembre a Oxford i organitzat per l'Oxford Internet Institut. ; Lecturers in Law and Political Science Studies took part in the "Internet, Politics, Policy 2010: An Impact Assessment" congress in Oxford on 16 and 17 September, organised by the Oxford Internet Institute. ; Profesores de los Estudios de Derecho y Ciencia Política de la UOC participaron en el congreso "Internet, Politics, Policy 2010: An Impact Assessment" celebrado el pasado 16 y 17 de septiembre en Oxford y organizado por el Oxford Internet Institut.

Es ressenyen dues obres col·lectives realitzades per especialistes en la comunicació política. Els articles de què es componen se centren en les campanyes de comunicació que van confluir en les eleccions generals de 2004 i les estudien a partir d'un ventall de marcs teòrics de la comunicació política. ; Two publications produced by groups of specialists in political communication are summarised. The articles in these publications focus on the communication campaigns for the general elections of 2004, and are studied from a range of theoretical frameworks for political communication. ; Se reseñan dos obras colectivas realizadas por especialistas en la comunicación política. Los artículos de los que se componen se centran en las campañas de comunicación que confluyeron en las elecciones generales del 2004 y las estudian a partir de un abanico de marcos teóricos de la comunicación política.

This article provides evidence in favour of social media serving as facilitators of public deliberation, in contrast with the hypothesis that emphasises the dominance of the 'echo chamber' effect. It focuses on conversational interactions on Twitter between supporters from opposite sides in a potentially highly polarised political issue, i.e. the debate on the independence of Catalonia, which is used as a case study. Methodologically we rely on a random sample of communications on the Twitter reply network, involving for and against independence supporters. Remarkably, despite the tendency of forming homophilic networks, we find that communication across political lines is relatively frequent. Furthermore, heterogeneous conversations (where opposing sides are engaged in a dialogue) tend to be significantly longer than homogenous ones (where all participants share the same view), which can be seen as a sign of genuine deliberation based on reasonably exchanging arguments between competing viewpoints. ; Este artículo proporciona evidencias de que las redes sociales sirven como facilitadores de la deliberación pública, en contraste con la hipótesis que enfatiza el predominio del efecto 'cámara de eco'. Se centra en las interacciones conversacionales en Twitter entre partidarios de lados opuestos en un tema político potencialmente muy polarizado, es decir, el debate sobre la independencia de Cataluña, que se utiliza como un caso de estudio. Metodológicamente dependemos de una muestra aleatoria de comunicaciones en la red de respuesta de Twitter, que implica a partidarios y contrarios a la independencia. Sorprendentemente, a pesar de la tendencia de formar redes homófilas, encontramos que la comunicación sobre líneas políticas es relativamente frecuente. Además, las conversaciones heterogéneas (donde los lados opuestos se enfrentan en un diálogo) tienden a ser significativamente más largas que las homogéneas (donde todos los participantes comparten la misma opinión), lo que puede verse como un signo de genuina deliberación basada en el intercambio razonable de argumentos entre puntos de vista enfrentados. ; Aquest article proporciona evidències que les xarxes socials serveixen com a facilitadors de la deliberació pública, en contrast amb la hipòtesi que emfatitza el predomini de l'efecte 'càmera d'eco'. Se centra en les interaccions conversacionals a Twitter entre partidaris de costats oposats en un tema polític potencialment molt polaritzat, és a dir, el debat sobre la independència de Catalunya, que s'utilitza com un cas d'estudi. Metodològicament depenem d'una mostra aleatòria de comunicacions a la xarxa de resposta de Twitter, que implica partidaris i contraris a la independència. Sorprenentment, tot i la tendència de formar xarxes homòfiles, trobem que la comunicació sobre línies polítiques és relativament freqüent. A més, les converses heterogènies (on els costats oposats s'enfronten en un diàleg) tendeixen a ser significativament més llargues que les homogènies (on tots els participants comparteixen la mateixa opinió), el que es pot veure com un signe de genuïna deliberació basada en l'intercanvi raonable d'arguments entre punts de vista enfrontats.

Free, open-source participatory platforms like Decidim or Consul were designed by the 15M' citizen activists in Spain. Initially implemented in Barcelona and Madrid, these platforms are spread in many countries. Castells has not examined the institutionalization of the 15M's offspring, and thus we aim to contribute by studying the rollout of the Decidim platform in Catalan municipalities. We examine its disruptive potential along three democratic dimensions: transparency, participation and deliberation. Our study combines in-depth interviews and an online questionnaire administered to public officials in charge of the platform and analyses also the levels of participation on the platform. The research shows elements of managerial continuity: the most valued goals are transparency, organization of information and the collection of citizen proposals, rather than deliberation and transfer of sovereignty towards citizens. However, the platform forces administrations to consider individual citizens' inputs, increases citizens' proposals and initiatives, and brings in new participant publics. Furthermore, democratic innovation is being pushed ahead by a network of activists and technological experts that continuously improve the platform and function as a counter-power (Castells, 2015, 2016).

Are participatory platforms facilitating public deliberation? To answer this question, we focus on the most commented citizens' proposal discussed on the Barcelona government's platform Decidim (i.e., the granting of new licenses for tourist apartments). Our goal is twofold. First, we evaluate via content analysis the deliberative quality of this conversation through a carefully selected system of indicators following the classical literature on deliberation. Second, we examine how deliberative quality criteria evolve through interaction, by introducing the dimension of depth, inspired on social computing research. The findings show that the relation between deliberative quality and depth of conversation is mostly curvilinear. The level of justification decreases as conversations go deeper, whereas the levels of reciprocity and incivility become more important over time before decreasing at a later stage. Overall, we conclude that online citizen deliberation can spontaneously emerge, but additional institutional conditions are required to make it last.

For years a literature on the uses that political parties make of information and communication technologies (ICTs) has been developed. It is a rapidly increasing, rich, and interesting field in the forefront of the investigation in political science. Generally, these works start from the expectation that the ICTs have a regenerative potential for liberal democracies and for the political parties as well. In developed societies, political parties have experienced some transformations that have leaded them to an increasing divorce with the public. This divorce is shown by the decay of party adscription and membership, and also by the decay of the conventional political participation. In the theoretical discussion this situation has been described as ¿the crisis of the democracy¿ (Norris, 1999). According to the more radically oriented scholars this crisis reflects the incapacities of liberal democracies. In this sense, ICTs suppose a great opportunity to surpass the representative institutions and to institutionalize new forms of direct democracy. More moderate scholars have considered that ICTs offer the opportunity for ¿renaissance¿ for representative institutions, as they can reinforce the bonds between the public and its representatives.