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Gender-focussed parliamentary bodies are a common institutional mechanism for gender mainstreaming and the promotion of gender equality, although in these pursuits, many are overwhelmed by the challenge of limited resources, institutional credibility, and legitimacy, and institutional partisanship. Among these bodies, relatively little is known about the Commonwealth Women Parliamentarians (CWP) network which is active across nine diverse regions of the globe, and in 2019 celebrated its 30th anniversary. This article highlights the work of the CWP at both an international and regional level, and identifies important differences between CWP chapters and other gender-focussed parliamentary bodies that mean they are able to work more harmoniously on a restricted, but targeted, range of policy and advocacy issues. Finally, the article considers whether this cross-jurisdictional mechanism provides women MPs a safe space to share their intersectionality across sexuality, age, party, and geographic region, when other – national – mechanisms fail. ; The Clerk of one of the Australian jurisdictions informally noted that he personally solicits the CPA membership fee from members at the beginning of each legislative term (discussion with author, April 2019). This fund is called the Regional Strengthening Fund and currently stands at £10,000 per region. In Australia, the CWP use it to support their annual conference (correspondence between author and Lesley Clark, June 2019).

"Gender-Sensitive Parliaments" published on by Oxford University Press.

Parliaments are increasingly defined as "gendered institutions," with rules, norms, and practices that are often stubbornly resistant to gender equality initiatives. The gender sensitive parliaments' global agenda has made substantial progress in both drawing attention to the gendered nature of parliaments and in spearheading gender equality reform. While a positive trend, there remains a significant disconnect between the (global) normative framework that sets out this agenda and the realization of gender equality in national (local) parliaments. In this article, we build on previous work that begins to unpack and test the process of global norm localization through "contextualization" and "contestation." We select new sites to test these processes—Fiji and Samoa—where specific gender equality reforms have been implemented in the past 10 years, one a gender mainstreaming mandate for parliamentary committees and the other a parliamentary gender quota. The Pacific Islands region presents an important cultural context worthy of exploration: Parliaments are not only overwhelmingly male-dominated, but many are also derivative of hegemonic masculinist cultures evident in the Westminster tradition, albeit hybridized with local political traditions. We compare and contrast the process by which these reforms were developed and implemented in each country and examine the extent to which they can be considered effective mechanisms for addressing gender inequalities. We find that the extent to which these reforms are sustainable and transformative depends on local contexts, local actors, and locally derived solutions. Specifically, the culturally relevant process of contesting the gender quota in Samoa constitutionally, electorally, and through the courts has localised and thereby legitimised this globally endorsed reform. By contrast, gender mainstreaming in Fiji's parliamentary committees has been little more than a "tick-a-box" exercise, having had limited engagement from the political elite under a relatively autocratic regime.

Social norms that legitimise men as political leaders, and undervalue women's leadership, are a tenacious barrier to women's representation globally. This article explores the circumstances under which women dynasty politicians, whose legacy connections have provided them with an initial pathway into politics, are able to disrupt these norms. We test a proposed typology of normative change – one that progresses from norm acceptance, to norm modification, then norm resistance – among women dynasty politicians in the Pacific Islands. We find that norms of masculinised political leadership are strong, and in many cases the election of wives, widows, daughters and other relatives of male political actors reinforces these norms through their positioning as 'placeholders'. Yet some women dynasty politicians can, and do, challenge and extend social norms of leadership. This is especially the case when the 'legacy advantage' is a springboard from which women demonstrate – and their publics accept – their own articulation of political leadership.

In this article, we extend empirical understandings of feminist institutionalism by outlining a new methodological approach to the study of parliament as a gendered workplace. We argue that while a localised approach to studying institutional change allows a more nuanced appreciation of the role of local cultural context, internationalised norms can be an interesting starting point to work back from. A case study of the New Zealand parliament's 'family-friendly' workplace practices illustrates this methodological approach. By tracing the establishment of family-friendly practices in this parliament, our study shines a light on the intractable nature of local institutional context in global norm diffusion and hints at the next phase of work required to further the agenda of transformational gender-sensitive parliaments.