Suchergebnisse

This article aims to answer a three of questions as follows: first, whether reconciliation between the refugees of Islam minorities, Shia Sampang andAhmadiyah Lombok, and Sunni's majority in their hometown still possible? Second, if it is still possible how to implement it and what constraints do arise? Third, theoretically, which model of reconciliation is in accordance with the context of the intra-religious conflict in Indonesia? This article is written based on the study of literature and field research, conducted by LIPI research team, which seeks to identify conditions or necessary conditions to achieve reconciliation between displaced Islamic minority and Islamic majority live in their places of origin. The issue of reconciliation is very important, considering both the refugee community is Indonesian citizens who have the right to be protected. However, in reality, they like to be in a quarantine so-called refugee camps. The proposition of this article is reconciliation among communities displaced by the public place of origin is possible with certain conditions such as the strong implementation of the fulfillment of human rights, cultural context and theological beliefs that support the peace process, and the role of active government in pushing the peace process.

This article aims to answer a three of questions as follows: first, whether reconciliation between the refugees of Islam minorities, Shia Sampang andAhmadiyah Lombok, and Sunni's majority in their hometown still possible? Second, if it is still possible how to implement it and what constraints do arise? Third, theoretically, which model of reconciliation is in accordance with the context of the intra-religious conflict in Indonesia? This article is written based on the study of literature and field research, conducted by LIPI research team, which seeks to identify conditions or necessary conditions to achieve reconciliation between displaced Islamic minority and Islamic majority live in their places of origin. The issue of reconciliation is very important, considering both the refugee community is Indonesian citizens who have the right to be protected. However, in reality, they like to be in a quarantine so-called refugee camps. The proposition of this article is reconciliation among communities displaced by the public place of origin is possible with certain conditions such as the strong implementation of the fulfillment of human rights, cultural context and theological beliefs that support the peace process, and the role of active government in pushing the peace process.

This article aims to describe the cultural dimension in the management of territorial border between Indonesia and Malaysia in Bengkayang. To explain the cultural approach, this article shed a light on the history of the border between Indonesia and Malaysia, problems of socio-cultural appeared in the border, and border management approach accommodating to the interests of cultural communities. This article is resulted from a field research in Bengkayang, West Kalimantan in 2015. Findings of this study conclude that the political approach in viewing border issue is not in accordance with the dynamics of inter-ethnic relations. The cultural dimension is often forgotten in the political analysis of border management due to the state border, in the conventional approach, is seen as a political borderline.Tulisan ini merupakan suatu deskripsi mengenai dimensi sosial-kebudayaan dalam pengelolaan perbatasan darat RI-Malaysia di Provinsi Kalimantan Barat. Pertanyaan yang ingin dijawab oleh kajian ini adalah (i) bagaimanakah sejarah pembentukan perbatasan di Kalimantan Barat? (ii) Bagaimanakah persoalan relasi antaretnik di daerah tersebut? Dan (iii) Bagaimana relasi antaretnik tersebut dipengaruhi oleh konflik pada masa lalu? Untuk menjelaskan pendekatan kebudayaan dalam melihat perbatasan, akan diuraikan perubahan perspektif perbatasan, sejarah pembentukan perbatasan, persoalan-persoalan sosial-budaya yang muncul di kawasan perbatasan, dan pendekatan pengelolaan perbatasan yang akomodatif terhadap kepentingan masyarakat perbatasan. Persoalan utama dalam kajian perbatasan adalah masih kuatnya pendekatan keamanan negara dalam pengelolaan perbatasan dan masih diabaikannya realitas kehidupan masyarakat perbatasan yang bersifat kompleks dalam pengelolaan perbatasan. Artikel ini merupakan hasil penelitian lapangan di Kabupaten Bengkayang Kalimantan Barat pada tahun 2015. Hasil penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa pendekatan politik keamanan yang digunakan dalam melihat persoalan perbatasan kurang sesuai dengan dinamika ...

This study aims to answer the question of what social context related to atti- tudes of exclusionary reactions between Muslims and Christians. The data used in this research is resulted from interviews in the city of Ambon. The conceptual framework used to analyze findings of fieldwork is about relation- ship between ethno-religious identification and exclusionary reactions. In addition, actual or symbolic competition in the political, economic, social and cultural behaviour contributes to exclusionary attitudes. Likewise, the collective memory of the conflict led individuals to have prejudices against out-group members. Based on interview data, this study indicates that exclu- sionary reactions present in the city of Ambon in the form of social avoidance between Muslim and Christian students and the support for residential segre- gation. Both of these phenomena related to political and symbolic competi- tion in public institutions such as public universities. Also, social processes of implanting ethno-religious identity in their families have roles in the creation of prejudicial attitudes against out-group members. The collective memory of the conflict also contributes unto the phenomena of social avoidance and support for residential segregation. Studi ini bertujuan untuk menjawab pertanyaan konteks sosial apa yang berkaitan dengan meningkatnya fenomena eksklusivisme sosial antara umat Islam dan Kristen. Data yang digunakan sebagai basis untuk menjawab pertayaan ini tersebut berasal dari sejumlah wawancara di Kota Ambon. Kerangka konsep yang digunakan untuk menganalisis temuan lapangan adalah tentang hubungan identifikasi terhadap identitas kelompok etnik dan agama dengan perilaku mengecualikan kelompok lain. Selain itu, kompetisi aktual maupun simbolik dalam bidang politik, ekonomi, dan sosial budaya ikut memberikan kontribusi pada perilaku mengecualikan kelompok lain. Demikian juga memori kolektif mengenai konflik di masa lalu menjadikan seseorang memiliki prasangka terhadap kelompok lain yang berbeda agama ...

Tulisan ini memunculkan definisi global village dalam konteks Indonesia. Bagian pertama dari makalah ini menjelaskan konsep awal global village oleh McLuhan (1962) yang terkait dengan keterhubungan antarwarga dunia. Bagian kedua menerangkan respon terhadap konsep global village dan bagian bagian ketiga menjelaskan perbedaan antara global village dan globalisasi. Akhirnya, penelitian ini menggambarkan global village dan globalisasi dalam konteks Indonesia. Global village dapat didefinisikan sebagai fenomena globalisasi pada masa kini yang dapat dikenali dari akibatnya yakni melemahnya batas-batas nasional, menghilang identitas dan budaya lokal, mengancam ekonomi nasional di tengah-tengah ekspansi modal, dan meningkatnya migrasi internasional. Konsep ini mengacu pada spektrum masyarakat baru yang melampaui batas-batas geografis, ekonomi, politik dan budaya dan menekankan pada arus informasi dalam jaringan komunikasi.

This article aims to narrate a series of peaceful campaigns conducted by Papua Peace Network (PPN) for Papua Peace Land. This informal network consists of several groups of civil societies, such as religious organizations, ethnic groups, NGOs, and academicians. The PPN has some objectives that are to connect conflicted groups in Papua land, and to help both Papuan people and Indonesian government preparing an inclusive dialogue. This article results from research between 2013 and 2017. The data collection used observation of peaceful campaign of PPN, interviews, and archival research. This research shows that although a series of peaceful campaigns have been conducted by PPN both at the national and local levels between 2013 and 2016, but political violence still increases in Papua land. On another side, the national government only focuses on social and economic development issues, in particular, infrastructure projects, instead of political issues. Government officials involved in peaceful campaigns conducted by PPN had no power enough to implement some peace recommendations due to the national government has no a roadmap to resolve the conflict between Jakarta and Papua peacefully. The article argues that a continuously informal communication between conflicted parties is a necessary condition, but it is not a sufficient condition to create a positive peace. Therefore, the National Government is strongly suggested to implement an inclusive national dialogue with Papuan people.

This paper explains how political, religious, and economic changes in Yogyakarta affect the formation of religious identity and social distance between different religious groups. The strengthening of religious identity in this area took place in the period of the Diponegoro War (1825-1830) when religious issues were used in the mobilization against the Dutch colonialist. Then, the spread of Christianity in Java at the end of 19th led to several tensions between missionaries and several Islamic organizations, but never developed into communal violence. In 1930s, the relation between religious groups remain harmonious due to the development of tolerant culture and pluralism. During the 1980s, the use of religious identity grew both in urban and rural areas in line with social processes of modernization. Da'wat activities on Campus (Lembaga Dakwah Kampus) plays important roles in promoting religious life in urban areas. The 1998 political reform marked the rise of religious fundamentalist movements that to a certain degree contributes to social distance between religious groups.

This study aims to describe how maintenance of nationalism has been conducted by the state toward border communities and how far citizens understand the concept of the Homeland and border, national pride, and apprehending the meaning of nationalism. The main source of data used in this study was the result of interviews, focus group discussions, participant observation, and literature studies conducted in Tahu, and Marore (Sangihe). The findings in this study are as follows. First, the acquisition of knowledge about the Homeland as a political concept, as well as national pride border communities today is increasing due to the development of information technology development and maintenance of nationalism efforts undertaken by the Government. Second, nationalism is defined by the state as measured by people's understanding toward the concept of nationalism which is less relevant to the socio-economic context of low income border communities. Third, the maintenance of nationalism efforts can be done to accommodate and provide space for cultural identity development of border communities in Indonesia.

This article is addressed to describe the political development in Kaimana, West Papua, at the integration period between 1961 and 1969. The method of research employed by this study is oral history, which emphasize on interviews to several informants in Kaimana. However, the result of interviews were supported by archival studies to find accurate findings and analysis. Based on several historical narration, it is founded that the history of Kaimana in the Indonesian context is the history of struggle against Dutch colonialism. The history has built the Indonesian representation in Papua which always deal with Papua political identity constructed by nationalist Papua. From oral history, we reveal that Dutch officials and some groups of Papua implanted Papuans political identity based on racial differences. Another finding is the story about Let col. Untung Syamsuri, former Cakrabirawa commander, who were suspected involved in the Indonesian Communist Part coup in 1965. From several interviews, native people of Kaimana admired and respected a lot to this officer due to he has represented Indonesia in more humanize.Keywords: integration, Pepera, KaimanaArtikel ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan proses politik di Kaminana, Papua Barat, pada saat periode integrasi di tahun 1961 dan 1969. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan strategi sejarah lisan dan menekankan pada wawancara terhadap beberapa informan di Kaimana. Kemudian, hasil dari wawancara didukung pula dengan kajian arsip untuk menemukan keakuratan temuan dan analisis. Berdasarkan beberapa cerita sejarah, sejarah Kaimana dalam konteks Indonesia adalah sejarah tentang perlawanan rakyat dengan kolonialisme Belanda. Sejarah dibangunan dari representasi Indonesia, di mana selalu terkait dengan politik identitas masyarakat Papua. Berdasarkan sejarah lisan, terungkap bahwa Belanda dan beberapa orang Papua menanamkan bahwa identitas politik papua harus berdasar pada perbedaan ras. Selain itu, temuan lain adalah terkait cerita dari Letnan Kolonel Untung Syamsuri, mantan komandan Cakrabirawa, yang terlibat dalam "kudeta" Partai Komunis Indonesia di tahun 1965. Dari beberapa wawancara, orang asli Kaimana lebih mengagumi dan menghormati petugas Indonesia karena lebih humanis.Kata kunci: integrasi, Pepera, Kaimana

Selama ini Indonesia dilaporkan oleh pusat penelitian keagamaan maupun organisasi perlindungan hak asasi manusia sebagai negara yang masih belum menjamin perlindungan hak-hak asasi manusia terutama dalam kebebasan beragama. Fenomena yang sering disoroti adalah masalah penutupan gereja yang dilakukan oleh komunitas Muslim Sunni. Paper ini mencoba untuk mendeskripsikan hubungan Mayoritas Hindu dan komunitas agama minoritas di Kabupaten Buleleng terkait dengan pendirian tempat ibadah. Temuan lapangan menunjukkan bahwa dalam banyak kasus, kelompok minortas Islam dan Kristen mengalami kesulitan ketika ingin mendirikan tempat ibadah meskipun persyaratan administrasi telah dipenuhi. Hal tersebut disebabkan karena Pemerintah Daerah menetapkan sejumlah kebijakan untuk melindungi identitas dan tradisi Hindu yang merupakan identitas utama orang Bali. Indonesia is frequently reported research centers of religious and international human rights organizations as a country that less in the protection of human rights, especially religious freedom. The phenomenon that is often highlighted is church closings by Sunni Moslem community in several areas such as Bogor, Bekasi and Aceh. This paper is addressed to describe the relationship of Hindu majority and minority religious communities in Buleleng associated with the establishment of places of worship. Field findings indicate that Moslems and Christians in Buleleng find difficulties when they want to establish a place of worship although several administrative requirements have been fullfilled. This is due to local government set a number of policies to protect the identity and traditions of Hinduism which the primary identity of the Balinese.

This is article derived from a thesis study in the Sociology Department of the University of Indonesia in 2008 exploring socio-economic, socio-political and socio-cultural contexts playing their roles in the formation of the political and religious fields along with their respective 'habitus' of the social agents in the Papua land. This paper discusses the history of the term "papua" itself based on a historical study conducted by Solewijn Gelpke (1993). Based on historical approach, the relationship between Muslims and Christians in Papua can be traced as a religious and cultural heritage. Also, by using a sociological conception elaborated by Bourdieu (1992: 9), we may view the Papua land as a social space encompassing all conceptions of the social world. Bourdieu's social space conception considers the social reality as a topology (Harker, 1990).

Identitas politik orang Papua dianggap sebagai ras Melanesia dengan ciri-ciri yaitu orang yang berkulit hitam, rambut keriting dan beragama Kristen. Identitas politik semacam itu dipergunakan oleh orang-orang elit Papua sebagai alat perpolitikan, namun politik identitas tersebut menjadi agak berbahaya berkaitan dengan identitas Papua yang inklusif dan toleran. Pada kenyataannya, orang Papua asli dapat dibedakan menurut identitas agama mereka yang terdiri dari orang Kristen, Katolik dan Muslim. Hal tersebut menandakan bahwa ruang perdebatan untuk menentukan politik identitas Papua ditandai dengan proses negosiasi Kristen Papua (orang Papua yang beragama Kristen) dan Muslim Papua (orang Papua yang beragama Islam). Perbedaan penafsiran dari identitas Papua dibangun oleh para intelektual dan elit Papua yang ingin bersinggungan langsung dengan pengembalian identitas asli (re-papuanization). Artikel ini akan mengarah pada metode orang Islam dan Kristen Papua dalam mempertahankan identitas mereka dan mendapatkan pengakuan sebagai bagian dari orang Papua. Artikel ini mencoba menjawab tiga pertanyaan terkait dengan (1) bagaimana Muslim Papua membangun identitas budaya mereka pada masa otonomi khusus; (2) bagaimana Muslim Papua memperjuangkan identitas budaya mereka bersamaan dengan Muslim imigran; dan (3) bagaimana Muslim Papua memperjuangkan identitas budaya mereka bersama dengan orang Kristen Papua.

Selama ini Indonesia dilaporkan oleh pusat penelitian keagamaan maupun organisasi perlindungan hak asasi manusia sebagai negara yang masih belum menjamin perlindungan hak-hak asasi manusia terutama dalam kebebasan beragama. Fenomena yang sering disoroti adalah masalah penutupan gereja yang dilakukan oleh komunitas Muslim Sunni. Paper ini mencoba untuk mendeskripsikan hubungan Mayoritas Hindu dan komunitas agama minoritas di Kabupaten Buleleng terkait dengan pendirian tempat ibadah. Temuan lapangan menunjukkan bahwa dalam banyak kasus, kelompok minortas Islam dan Kristen mengalami kesulitan ketika ingin mendirikan tempat ibadah meskipun persyaratan administrasi telah dipenuhi. Hal tersebut disebabkan karena Pemerintah Daerah menetapkan sejumlah kebijakan untuk melindungi identitas dan tradisi Hindu yang merupakan identitas utama orang Bali. Indonesia is frequently reported research centers of religious and international human rights organizations as a country that less in the protection of human rights, especially religious freedom. The phenomenon that is often highlighted is church closings by Sunni Moslem community in several areas such as Bogor, Bekasi and Aceh. This paper is addressed to describe the relationship of Hindu majority and minority religious communities in Buleleng associated with the establishment of places of worship. Field findings indicate that Moslems and Christians in Buleleng find difficulties when they want to establish a place of worship although several administrative requirements have been fullfilled. This is due to local government set a number of policies to protect the identity and traditions of Hinduism which the primary identity of the Balinese.

In the West Papua conflict, fear fuels both Papuan ethnonationalist and Indonesian nationalist sentiment. We argue that this reciprocal fear and memoria passionis plays a significant role in fuelling political violence. On the one hand, it provokes Papuan activists to respond
violently to Indonesian military operations. Fear of losing future generations of indigenous Papuans has strengthened their identity as Papuans and encouraged them to join armed movements against Indonesia. On the other hand, fear of West Papuan independence leads the Indonesian military and
police to conduct operations against members of the Free Papua Movement and affiliated groups and other activists not in the independence movement. This results in a "reciprocal fear-fuelled nationalism," whereby Indonesian security forces and Papuan separatist activists are drawn into increasing
conflict. In this context, fear becomes institutionalized and socially constructed. By understanding the unending violent conflict in Tanah Papua as related to the transfer of emotions across generations, it becomes clear a military operations approach will not be effective in the long term.
Non-violent approaches, especially dialogue with separatist groups, will be more effective in breaking the chain of violent memories, resulting in more positive outcomes for conflict resolution in Papua. Learning from negotiations between the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement
in 2005, we support the proposition that dialogue is the best entry point by which to end this prolonged separatist armed conflict.

In the West Papua conflict, fear fuels both Papuan ethnonationalist and Indonesian nationalist sentiment. We argue that this reciprocal fear and memoria passionis plays a significant role in fuelling political violence. On the one hand, it provokes Papuan activists to respond violently to Indonesian military operations. Fear of losing future generations of indigenous Papuans has strengthened their identity as Papuans and encouraged them to join armed movements against Indonesia. On the other hand, fear of West Papuan independence leads the Indonesian military and police to conduct operations against members of the Free Papua Movement and affiliated groups and other activists not in the independence movement. This results in a "reciprocal fear-fuelled nationalism," whereby Indonesian security forces and Papuan separatist activists are drawn into increasing conflict. In this context, fear becomes institutionalized and socially constructed. By understanding the unending violent conflict in Tanah Papua as related to the transfer of emotions across generations, it becomes clear a military operations approach will not be effective in the long term. Non-violent approaches, especially dialogue with separatist groups, will be more effective in breaking the chain of violent memories, resulting in more positive outcomes for conflict resolution in Papua. Learning from negotiations between the government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement in 2005, we support the proposition that dialogue is the best entry point by which to end this prolonged separatist armed conflict. (Pac Aff/GIGA)