Suchergebnisse

Introduction. There is a scientific, theoretical and practical necessity to understand modern phenomena of revolution and modernization. Тhe political analysis of the influence of revolutionary events and modernization changes on the development of the Cossacks, not only as an ethnic community and social group, but as a kind of "world" that is currently undergoing a revival process, is of particular interest.

Methods and materials. The paper relies on theoretical conclusions of researchers who specialize in the field of the theory of social change and development, political transitology, global studies, ensuring national and global security.

Analysis. This paper presents the scientific analysis of socio-political practices of transformation of the Russian state and society in the historical perspective. The interrelation between the revolutionary events in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century and the contemporary stage of the national modernization are traced. The author interprets the results of a survey devoted to public opinion of Russians regarding the causes and significance of the revolutionary process of 1917. The paper is focused on the correlation between "revolution" and "modernization" phenomena in the context of setting and achieving goals, tasks, using various technologies of social change.

Results. The author characterizes the influence of modernization transformations on life activities of the ethnic community – the Cossacks. The article identifies the problematic aspects of the Cossacks' "revival" at the present stage of the socio-political modernization of Russia. The author proposes the integrative concept of the etatist model of the political modernization of Russia considering the parameters of stable and safe development.

The process of reunification of Crimea and the Russian Federation is considered in the context of the content, the basic trends and contradictions of the modern political process at the global, regional and national government levels. Analyzing the reunification of Crimea with Russia, the authors reveal the problem of observing the principle of sovereign equality of the states, territorial integrity, non-interference into the internal affairs of the states, the right of peoples to self-determination. The authors highlight the geopolitical threats and risks arising from the violation of the principle of force non-use or threat of force in the situation of "Ukrainian crisis".

This process is analyzed through the prism of the political history of Russia, the establishment and strengthening of its statehood. Interpreted documentary sources reveal the organizational, legal, and political contradictions of the transfer of Crimean region from the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1954. Socio-political importance of the reunification of Crimea and the Russian Federation for the present stage of modernization transformations of the society and the state are considered. The possible scenarios of development of the internal political and international situation with regard to the sanctions confrontation of Russia and some foreign countries are analyzed. The authors identified the resources for: effective assertion of the national interests of the Russian Federation; ensuring stability and security of life for all people living on its territory; permanent reproduction of national elite abilities (political, administrative, military, economic, etc.) to act decisively in critical situations, to make fateful decisions of geopolitical nature.

The article uses the results of sociological surveys of public opinion about the attitude of the Russians and citizens of Ukraine to the process of reunification of Crimea with Russia.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the problematization and conceptualization of influence, as well as the potential for participation of higher education institutions, as educational and scientific centers, in the formation and implementation of gender and sexual policies in modern European countries, which are widely debated and ambiguously perceived in society. Methods. The article conceptualizes the concepts of gender and sexual policy in two senses: as a sphere of the struggle for power, as well as a system of technologies and actions in solving socially important problems. As a theoretical and methodological framework, the principles of social constructionism are used in interpreting the content, meaning and research of technologies for the formation of public representations and culture on issues of intimate and inter-sexual relations. Based on the use of general scientific methods and the heuristic potential of the Overton window concept, a scheme is proposed for explaining and studying the participation of universities in the "promotion" of relevant policies and politics. Results. The heuristic potential of the concept of "Overton's Window" to the political science problematization, interpretation and explanation of the "soft power" potential of modern universities in shaping, discussing the social and political agenda on sexual and gender culture in Europe is revealed. It is shown that sexual and gender policies in society can be aimed at changing the values, perceptions and norms of the organization of interactions in the relevant areas of life, both at the level of individual practices and social institutions. Social and communicative technologies (informed discussion, events, creation of terms, name-calling) that are (un)intentionally used in the framework of higher education institutions to normalize and politicize ideas, perceptions and values regarding gender issues, the organization of sexual life can be interpreted as important tools for transforming unthinkable practices and beliefs into the category of not only acceptable, eligible on the existence of a pluralism of views, but also dominant in political discourse. Discussion. The issue of the ethical principles of the implementation of the "soft power" strategy by European universities, as well as the political and social sense and consequences of radical transformations in gender and sexual culture and the structure of society, present in the discourses of European academic science and education, remains open and poorly studied.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the identification and analysis of the dominant trends in the transformation of forms and technologies of communication used by the government and Russian society institutions in the context of the COVID-19 spread. The attention is focused on the characteristics of socio-political factors that determine the level of trust/distrust of citizens and representatives of various social groups to intentions and actions of the authorities and administration at the federal, regional and municipal levels in the Russian Federation to overcome the consequences of the global pandemic in the process of communication. Methods. The communicative practices of public and civil institutions are revealed in the context of interpreting the specifics of the existing public space and public policy of modern Russia. The theoretical and methodological basis of the research are the political-communicative and action-activist approaches, the spatial dimension of political processes principles, which make it possible to rely on the systemic vision of the information and discursive, practical and management elements of the multidimensional concept of public policy. The work uses the methods of political comparative studies, forecasting, interpretation of empirical data obtained by leading Russian and foreign research centers, as well as by the authors in the framework of their grant research. Results. An attempt was made to conduct political analysis of the dominant negative and positive factors revealing the specifics of the COVID-19 spread in the Russian Federation from the point of view of the everyday practices of modern Russian society and the consolidated institutional system of public administration. The authors trace the link between the situation of uncertainty resulting from the spread of the global threat, the desire to ensure international and national security, as well as the transformation of forms and technologies of communication between citizens, public institutions, the state. The real and potential resources of communication between society and the authorities for building an effective system to minimize the negative consequences of the pandemic for representatives of various socio-demographic, professional, and status-role groups, that are included in the structures of discussion, decision-making and implementation, are highlighted. The results of theoretical and empirical studies revealing a public opinion on the impact of COVID-19 on the socio-political process in modern Russia are interpreted. Discussion. The question of the forms and technologies of communication between the actors of modern public policy in the significant decisions making process in the context of strengthening destructive factors and the institutionalization of a "riskgenerating" society remains poorly studied.

Introduction. The article is devoted to the characterization and substantiation of the basic principles and priority areas of the foreign policy activity of the Russian Federation in the context of the transformation of the modern system of international relations. Scenario approaches to the development of the Russian state and its functional role in the context of increased conflict potential between countries of Western and non-Western civilizations that are most frequently articulated within the political science discourse are interpreted. The study's relevance stems from the need to reconsider the dominant grounds for restructuring the contemporary world order, which lacks security and stability, while compromising the development interests of most states and societies at national, regional, and global levels. Methods and materials. The authors rely on the conceptual statements of the political organization of the contemporary world, developed by M.M. Lebedeva within the framework of a system approach. In identifying the sources of global turbulence experienced by the current system of international relations, the theoretical constructions by I. Wallerstein, S. Huntington, G. Kissinger, and O.V. Gaman-Golutvina were used. The elucidation of the functional specifics of Russia as a civilization state in the system of the world order of the past and present is based on a civilizational approach. The empirical base of the article was the normative and legal documents of the Russian Federation and the results of surveys conducted by leading centers: VCIOM, FOM, and Levada Center (this organization is included in the unified register of individuals and organizations recognized as foreign agents in the Russian Federation). Analysis and results. In the course of the study, the dominant factors that contribute to the radicalization of the conflict potential of the existing system of international relations were revealed and interpreted. The relationship between the escalation of the conflict between the Western bloc countries and Russia, the multifaceted objectification of Russophobia in all spheres of life, and the strategic vectors of Russia's foreign policy formulated in The Concept of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (2023) is traced. At the same time, attention is focused not only on the principles of the new Russian statehood and the place of the Russian Federation in the contemporary world but also on the historical continuity of Russia as a civilization state. Authors' contribution. S.A. Pankratov developed the theoretical basis of the study, analyzed the dominant trends in the transformation of the modern system of international relations, and carried out the general scientific editing of the article. E.V. Klinshans summarized and analyzed the empirical data related to the priorities of the implementation of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation and formulated the main conclusions of the work.

In the context of the global development processes, shaping the new threats and risks for the individual, society and state development, Russia as a protector of the national prosperity is proceeding to the new state policy in the field of national and public security. However, the modern Russian state is characterized by the non-complex structuring but socio-political anomie, the public capital being distributed unfairly. The divide is negative in character. Moreover, it is non-productive and it does not prevent from the further disintegration of the social texture. As a result, on the one hand, there is a sense of relative and temporary well-being, and on the other hand, there is a feeling of non-participating in the process of shaping the future image. In addition to that, there remains a hidden uncertainty whether we ought to consider a person to be an object or a subject of security in this "national formula". DOI:10.5901/mjss.2015.v6n6s4p577

Introduction. The article is devoted to identifying and interpreting the reasons and forms of protest activity of representatives of the youth cohort in the context of the institutionalization of modern digital society and digital policy. The common and specific features of the protest activity of Russian and foreign youth in the context of the content and level of their digital culture are characterized. The attention is focused on the dominant trends in the transformation of the practices of protest behavior in online and offline formats, taking into account the restrictive measures caused by the spread of COVID-19. Methods. The work was prepared within the framework of political science discourse using modern scientific theories and concepts. The authors rely on the main provisions of the activity-activist approach (A. Giddens, V. Yadov), the concept of "traumatic changes" (P. Sztompka) and "network society" (M. Castells). At the same time, the characterization of digital transformations and innovations (society, politics, culture) is carried out in the context of the ideas of "digital counterculture" (C. Gere), domestic researchers analyzing the consumer behavior of youth in the digital environment (T. Beregovskaya, S. Grishaeva). The work uses theoretical and empirical methods for analyzing the results obtained by leading domestic and foreign research centers, as well as with the direct participation of the authors in the implementation of grant activities. Results. An attempt is made to conduct political science analysis of the modern approaches to understanding the phenomenon of youth protest activity, its dominant forms in the context of the institutionalization of digital policy and the transformation of value orientations in the new structure of "digital culture". The relationship between the protest activity of representatives of domestic and foreign youth, the practices of their destructive/constructive protest behavior using digital technologies in order to legitimize/ delegitimize the political regime is traced. Highlighted the real and potential resources of the authorities and administration, civil society institutions to minimize destructive factors that contribute to the strengthening of protest (civil, political, etc.) activity of various groups of young people in the context of the spread of the global pandemic. The results of theoretical and empirical studies that reveal the regional specifics of institutional forms of protest activity in modern Russia are interpreted. Discussion. The question of the forms and technologies of transformation of protest activity, taking into account the substantive characteristics of the digital culture of youth, its inclusion in the system for ensuring the stable and safe development of the Russian Federation, remains poorly studied. Authors' contributions. S.A. Pankratov developed the theoretical basis of the research and carried out the general scientific edition of the article. S.I. Morozov analyzed the dominant tendencies of youth protest activity. S.D. Gavrilov interpreted the results of theoretical and empirical studies characterizing the process of institutionalization of digital policy.

The article attempts to study protest media activism in modern Russia, taking into account the manifestation of its new forms, such as online rallies, as well as an analysis of the prospects for its further application in the protest practice of modern Russia. The conclusion is made about the ambiguity of the use of new media technologies to consolidate the protest potential of the Russian society, which is associated with the presence of trends in the growth of the Internet users and the increase in state control over the sphere of public communications on the Internet.