Suchergebnisse

Introduction. The article is devoted to the problematization and conceptualization of influence, as well as the potential for participation of higher education institutions, as educational and scientific centers, in the formation and implementation of gender and sexual policies in modern European countries, which are widely debated and ambiguously perceived in society. Methods. The article conceptualizes the concepts of gender and sexual policy in two senses: as a sphere of the struggle for power, as well as a system of technologies and actions in solving socially important problems. As a theoretical and methodological framework, the principles of social constructionism are used in interpreting the content, meaning and research of technologies for the formation of public representations and culture on issues of intimate and inter-sexual relations. Based on the use of general scientific methods and the heuristic potential of the Overton window concept, a scheme is proposed for explaining and studying the participation of universities in the "promotion" of relevant policies and politics. Results. The heuristic potential of the concept of "Overton's Window" to the political science problematization, interpretation and explanation of the "soft power" potential of modern universities in shaping, discussing the social and political agenda on sexual and gender culture in Europe is revealed. It is shown that sexual and gender policies in society can be aimed at changing the values, perceptions and norms of the organization of interactions in the relevant areas of life, both at the level of individual practices and social institutions. Social and communicative technologies (informed discussion, events, creation of terms, name-calling) that are (un)intentionally used in the framework of higher education institutions to normalize and politicize ideas, perceptions and values regarding gender issues, the organization of sexual life can be interpreted as important tools for transforming unthinkable practices and beliefs into the category of not only acceptable, eligible on the existence of a pluralism of views, but also dominant in political discourse. Discussion. The issue of the ethical principles of the implementation of the "soft power" strategy by European universities, as well as the political and social sense and consequences of radical transformations in gender and sexual culture and the structure of society, present in the discourses of European academic science and education, remains open and poorly studied.

Introduction. The article presents the analysis of the сontemporary state and prospects for the development of women's protest in a global perspective. The research focuses on the study of the causes and nature of mass women's protest in the context of the formation of a new system of relations between the authorities and society represented by certain social groups. The relevance of the problem is determined by the need for a political science analysis of modern practices, causes and forms of women's protest, making a forecast of the prospects for the development of women's social movements. Methods and methodology. The methodological basis of the research is the synthesis of the relative deprivation theory by T.R. Gurr and the resource mobilization theory by Ch. Tilly, which makes it possible to present women's protest through the prism of both psychological (deprivation) and institutional determinants. The empirical basis of the work is the data (338 cases) of the quantitative study "The Women in Resistance (WiRe)", that is available for secondary analysis in the Harvard Dataverse Repository. Analysis. Women's protests represent an institutional and non-institutional form of changing the "political field". A common peripheral role of women in the political space serves as a basis for the formation of a common identity among them. A high degree of consolidation, as well as an active role of women in protest, correlates with the success of collective action. Protests in which women play an active role are more peaceful in nature. This is due to the mediating role of women, which prevents the growth of tension in the conflict. Results. Based on the analysis of statistical information and case-study, it was revealed that the economic and legal structural similarity of states does not determine the nature of women's protest participation in politics, which is more dependent on historical practices, previously achieved results of women's protest, the presence of institutional structures that organize protests, as well as on the specific problems of women in the state. The prospects for the development of women's protest and women's social movements are determined by the level of success achieved. While in Western Europe and the USA, women's social movements are fighting for the achievement of postmaterial values, due to the solution of the economic differentiation problems, in Latin America, women are fighting for their natural right to life and their own bodies. A vector of women's protest is aimed at combating all types of discrimination, but the nature of specific problems is fundamentally different.

Introduction. The article is devoted to identifying and characterizing the main trends in the transformation of public communication between government and citizens through digital media in China and Russia. The dynamics of state policies regarding the use of social media as an information and communication resource for solving pragmatic management tasks, forming the image of authorities, and developing a dialogue with the population is traced. Methods and Materials. As a methodological basis for the study, the conceptualizations of the public sphere within the framework of a critical approach (J. Habermas, H. Arendt), the sociocultural tradition of interpreting communication, the ideas on the power and strength of Internet communications in the "network society" by M. Castells, and the theoretical foundations of communication management are used. Analisys. Three stages in the development of social media authorities in China are identified and presented. The specifics of public communication between the authorities and users of various services (Weibo, WeChat, and TikTok) are characterized based on their technological capabilities (affordances). Results. The social effects obtained from the widespread use of digital media by the Chinese government are indicated. The political and socio-cultural foundations of the emerging state policy regarding the use of social networks as a resource for public communication between the government and society in Russia are shown. The key challenges and tasks that need to be solved for the successful development of a public dialogue between the authorities and the population through digital media and the formation of the social media capital of the state in China and Russia are fixed. Authors' contribution. Wei Zhang prepared an analysis of the transformations in the use of digital media by the government in China. L.S. Pankratova outlined the theoretical and methodological framework of the study, presented the Russian case, translated materials on the case of China into Russian and carried out general scientific editing of the article.