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""Papadogiannis offers an impressive panorama of radicalized youth cultures of the Left in post-authoritarian Greece. He manages to convey both the organizational outlook of this dense microcosm and the lived experience of the people at the time, historicizing masterfully this transitional moment in which young 'subjects in motion' acted as a metaphor for change . . . the book uncovers the social, cultural, and political layers behind the resilience of collective action in post-1974 Greece."" · Kostis Kornetis, New York University ""An original, well-researched book that provides a fresh per

This article examines the organizations that ran youth hostels in West Germany from the 1950s to 1989. It analyses whether they reconfigured their aims and practices against the backdrop of the cultural, social and political transformations that West Germany underwent throughout its existence, especially concerning the establishment of strong ties with 'Western' countries and the spread of mass consumption. It argues that while the maintenance of discipline among guests by youth hostel personnel remained important in the operation of West German youth hostels throughout the period in question, the norms around which discipline revolved and the ways in which it was enforced increasingly became negotiated between the officials of these associations and the guests at youth hostels. This process does not fall into the category of the 'cultural revolution' that occurred in the 'Long Sixties', according to Arthur Marwick, but amounted to a protracted and cautious experimentation that lasted several decades. While the historiography of tourism has hitherto analysed either the explosion of commercial tourism or the spread of anti-commercial travel from the 1960s onwards, shifting youth hostel policies help illuminate a popular type of tourism, which growingly developed synergies with both those travel patterns, but yet remained distinct from them.

"Dieser Artikel untersucht die Reisemuster von jungen Arbeitern und Studenten mit griechischem Migrationshintergrund, die während der 1960er und 70er Jahre in Westdeutschland gelebt haben. Basierend auf neueren Forschungsergebnissen, welche rigide Trennungslinien zwischen Migration und Tourismus in Frage stellen, wird hier die These vertreten, dass die Migrationserfahrungen von Griechen in Deutschland in Hinblick auf die beiden Phänomene weitaus komplexer waren als bisher angenommen. Während eine wachsende Anzahl deutscher Altersgenossen den Vergnügungstourismus für sich entdeckten, war das Reisen für junge Griechen zu diesem Zeitpunkt eher Mittel zum Zweck. Letztere benutzten Urlaube, um ihre Geburtsheimat zu besuchen und den Kontakt zur Familie aufrecht zu erhalten (oder zumindest wurde dies von ihnen erwartet). Jedoch fand in den frühen 1970er Jahren aufgrund des Influxes von griechischen Studenten an westdeutschen Universitäten eine Diversifizierung statt. Diese Gruppe wie auch einige junge Gastarbeiter fingen an, andere Länder zu erkunden und sich mit der Reisekultur von gleichaltrigen Westdeutschen - besonders dem Hitch-Hiking - vertraut zu machen. Der Artikel beleuchtet dabei kritisch die gängige These, dass der Jugendtourismus in der zweiten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts dazu beitrug, eine transnationale europäische Identität zu schaffen. Tatsächlich nämlich entwickelten junge Migranten in den 1960er und 70er Jahren ihre Reiselust im Schatten eines kulturellen Nord-Süd Grabens." (Autorenreferat)

The state of the art historiography of youth cultures in post-war Europe centres on 'Americanization' as a process of selective reception of American cultural products, including Hollywood cinema, in the late 1950s and early 1960s. However, this paradigm obscures the transnational appeal of French, Italian and Soviet cinema. By contrast, France and the USSR are presented in this article as significant points of reference, at least for young Greek Communists in the period from 1974 to 1981. The article also stresses the importance of Greek politically engaged films in the making of young Communists in the same period. In brief, this article argues that the relationship between the circulation and reception of films and the making of Communist youth identities in Greece in the initial post-dictatorship period (1974–1981) was connected with two intertwined processes: the construction and the challenging of a collective antifascist memory that revolved around left-wing partisan activity in Greece in the early 1940s, a memory that was also captured in the flourishing in the 1970s' production of Greek politically engaged films, and the employment and subversion of the classification of Greek and non-Greek cinematic genres into 'progressive' and 'reactionary' types in the cultural politics of the Greek Communist youth organizations.

This article focuses on the years 1982–1984, which witnessed the first systematic effort to establish a moderate right-wing youth organization in Greece during the Cold War. It shows that the invention of the political songs of the Liberal youth ONNED underpinned its mass mobilization in 1982–1984. In this vein, our analysis enriches recent historiographical approaches that focus on cultures of Conservatism and on political and cultural changes in post-authoritarian Southern Europe in the 1970s to 1980s. Those political songs were linked to both the rhetoric and the practices of ONNED cadres and members. Their lyrics conveyed anti-Communist post-memories of the Civil War in Greece (1943/1946–1949), as reconfigured and filtered through the experiences of ONNED cadres and members in the aftermath of the 1967–1974 dictatorship and the electoral victory of the Socialists in 1981. Thus, the study of the Liberal youth complements the analysis of moderate right-wing subjects in Spain, for whom the Civil War was no reference point after democracy was restored in 1975. Simultaneously, the article enriches research on the Greek Liberal youth so far, which has neglected how this subject reconfigured its approach to the Greek Civil War in comparison to the Right in the preceding decades. Our article also shows that the songs under study accompanied a wide range of ritualistic and prosaic practices of ONNED cadres and members. Listening to and singing those songs was part of a double demarcation process between ONNED cadres and members and their left-wing opponents, as well as within ONNED. For instance, in Thessaloniki, the more Conservative members embraced those songs in their leisure activities and their everyday spaces. By contrast, the more centre-right members were more critical, but still tolerated such music. The everyday life and spatial history approach is crucial to illuminating the varying reception of the political songs of ONNED within this organization.

This article focuses on 1982-1984, which witnessed the first systematic effort to establish a moderate right-wing youth organisation in Greece during the Cold War. It shows that the invention of the political songs of the Liberal youth ONNED underpinned its mass mobilisation in 1982-1984. In this vein, our analysis enriches recent historiographical approaches that focus on cultures of Conservatism and on political and cultural changes in postauthoritarian Southern Europe in the 1970s-1980s. Those political songs were linked to both the rhetoric and the practices of ONNED cadres and members. Their lyrics conveyed anti-Communist postmemories of the Civil War in Greece (1943/1946-1949), as reconfigured and filtered through the experiences of ONNED cadres and members in the aftermath of the 1967-1974 dictatorship and the electoral victory of the Socialists in 1981. Thus, the study of the Liberal youth complements the analysis of moderate right-wing subjects in Spain, for whom the Civil War was no reference point after democracy was restored in 1975. Simultaneously, the article enriches research on the Greek Liberal youth so far, which has neglected how this subject reconfigured its approach to the Greek Civil War in comparison to the Right in the preceding decades. Our article also shows that the songs under study accompanied a wide range of ritualistic and prosaic practices of ONNED cadres and members. Listening to and singing those songs was part of a double demarcation process between ONNED cares and members and their left-wing opponents as well as within ONNED. For instance, in Thessaloniki, the more Conservative members embraced those songs, in their leisure activities and their everyday spaces notwithstanding. By contrast, the more centre-right ones were more critical, but still tolerated such music. The everyday life and spatial history approach is crucial to illuminating the varying reception of the political songs of ONNED within this organisation. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

"Consumption and Gender in Southern Europe since the Long 1960s offers an in-depth analysis of the relationship between gender and contemporary consumer cultures in post-authoritarian Southern European societies. The book sees a diverse group of international scholars from across the social sciences draw on 14 original case studies to explore the social and cultural changes that have taken place in Spain, Portugal and Greece since the 1960s. This is the first scholarly attempt to look at the countries' similar political and socioeconomic experiences in the shift from authoritarianism to democracy through the intersecting topics of gender and consumer culture. This comparative analysis is a timely contribution to the field, providing much needed reflection on the social origins of the contemporary economic crisis that Spain, Portugal and Greece have simultaneously experienced. Bringing together past and present, the v. elaborates on the interplay between the current crisis and the memory of everyday life activities, with a focus on gender and consumer practices. Consumption and Gender in Southern Europe since the Long 1960s firmly places the Southern European region in a wider European and transatlantic context. Among the key issues that are critically discussed are 'Americanization', the 'cultural revolution of the Long 1960s' and representations of the 'Model Mrs Consumer' in the three societies. This is an important text for anyone interested in the modern history of Southern Europe or the history of gender and consumer culture in modern Europe more generally."--

AbstractThis article examines the emotional standards and experiences connected with the entehno laiko music composed by Mikis Theodorakis that was immensely popular among left-wing Greek migrants, workers and students, living in West Germany in the 1960s and the early 1970s. Expanding on a body of literature that explores the transnational dimensions of protest movements in the 1960s and the 1970s, the article demonstrates that these transnational dimensions were not mutually exclusive with the fact that at least some of those protestors felt that they belonged to a particular nation. Drawing on the conceptual framework put forth by Barbara Rosenwein, it argues that the performance of these songs was conducive to the making of a (trans)national emotional community. On the one hand, for Greek left-wingers residing in West Germany and, after 1967, for Greek centrists too, the collective singing of music composed by Theodorakis initially served as a means of 'overcoming fear' and of forging committed militants who struggled for the social and political transformation of their country of origin. On the other, from the late 1960s onwards those migrants increasingly enacted this emotional community with local activists from West Germany as well.