Suchergebnisse

This book deals with ship design and in particular with methodologies of the preliminary design of ships. The book is complemented by a basic bibliography and five appendices with useful updated charts for the selection of the main dimensions and other basic characteristics of different types of ships (Appendix A), the determination of hull form from the data of systematic hull form series (Appendix B), the detailed description of the relational method for the preliminary estimation of ship weights (Appendix C), a brief review of the historical evolution of shipbuilding science and technology from the prehistoric era to date (Appendix D) and finally a historical review of regulatory developments of ship's damage stability to date (Appendix E). The book can be used as textbook for ship design courses or as additional reading for university or college students of naval architecture courses and related disciplines; it may also serve as a reference book for naval architects, practicing engineers of related disciplines and ship officers, who like to enter the ship design field systematically or to use practical methodologies for the estimation of ship's main dimensions and of other ship main properties and elements of ship design.

Intro -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- Chapter One. Orthodox Political Theology through the Centuries -- Chapter Two. Eucharist or Democracy? -- Chapter Three. Personhood and Human Rights -- Chapter Four. Divine-Human Communion and the Common Good -- Chapter Five. Truth-Telling, Political Forgiveness, and Free Speech -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Index.

Review of: I Chameni Leoforos tou Ellinikou Cinema ('The lost highway of Greek cinema'), Afroditi Nikolaidou and Anna Poupou (2019)
Athens: Nefeli, 232 pp.,
ISBN 978-9-60504-238-7, p/bk, €13

The last decade has been one of the most challenging periods for European integration. The decade started with a sovereign debt crisis that hit hard the Eurozone's peripheral member states and ended with the economic wreckage caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. As expected, the global financial crisis and the Euro-crisis have had an impact on the orientation of the EU as a global economic power. Two of the main aspects of the EU's economic power are its trade and investment power. The aim of this paper is to provide an evaluation of the impact of the global financial and Euro-crisis in the European Union's performance on these two dimensions of the EU's power.

This chapter will read Xenia (2014) by Panos H. Koutras as a self-conscious pastiche, a playful revisiting, of tropes that have been used in the recent past by 'new queer films', including those talking about migration. However, what is crucial in Xenia is that Koutras uses this well-mapped platform of new queer cinema poetics to make a strong political statement on two of the main framing narratives about migration in the West: the issue of hospitality and the debate on citizenship. In this film, whose title recalls the ancient Greek word for hospitality and whose crucial scenes take place in an abandoned 'Xenia' state hotel, hospitality is not there to be offered but becomes an expansive state of affairs – needed by everyone, and to be co-managed by everyone. Citizenship – in many ways the central question of this film about two Greek-Albanian boys searching for their father in order to claim their citizenship rights – takes a similar unexpected turn: it is not citizenship rights but the very idea of citizenship that becomes a quest(ion) ad-dressed to everyone. Xenia ends thus with a scene that can make us think of what Lauren Berlant has called 'diva citizenship': a genealogical provocation, a moment of emergence, in which 'a person stages a dramatic coup in a public sphere in which she does not have privilege'. The chapter will reflect on the importance of this idea for a reappraisal of new queer film and what it has had to say about migration and citizenship in the last decades.

The last decade has been one of the most challenging periods for European integration. The decade started with a sovereign debt crisis that hit hard the Eurozone's peripheral member states and ended with the economic wreckage caused by the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. As expected, the global financial crisis and the Euro-crisis have had an impact on the orientation of the EU as a global economic power. Two of the main aspects of the EU's economic power are its trade and investment power. The aim of this paper is to provide an evaluation of the impact of the global financial and Euro-crisis in the European Union's performance on these two dimensions of the EU's power.

This paper investigates how the politics and the scientific societies influenced Walter Charleton's matter theory. Initially, the study refers to two different historical theories of analysis of Charleton's theory of matter, explaining, through the analysis of his most well-known works, why these historical perspectives are both correct. Next, the study undertakes a close reading of Charleton's life, with the aim of explaining why he divorced himself from the alchemical doctrines in public, while he continued to use the alchemical terms. Investigating his life, the study shows how he was influenced by the politics, religion and scientific communities of his era. As Charleton, a Royalist, lived in the period of the Interregnum and Restoration and his major goals were to acquire a position and funds from the College of Physicians and Royal Society. Finally, the study provides a different historical view about Charleton's eclecticism, which is used to his theory, in order to be part of the "elite" of scholars in England. This study concludes that Charleton's matter theory can be considered hybrid of vitalistic and mechanistic philosophy and is an example of how the scientific theories, in the late seventeenthcentury, began to differentiate from the old ones.

Το παρόν άρθρο είναι αποτέλεσμα μεταδιδακτορικής έρευνας που διενεργήθηκε σε συνεργασία με το Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης την περίοδο 2016-2018. Παρουσιάζει ποιοτικά συμπεράσματα για τους κλάδους της δισκογραφίας και των συναυλιών την περίοδο της οικονομικής κρίσης καθώς και ποσοτικά ευρήματα διαδικτυακής έρευνας κοινού σχετικά με τη μουσική κατανάλωση. Με βάση αυτά, το άρθρο θεμελιώνει ως βασική του θέση ότι η διαμόρφωση πολιτικής με αναπτυξιακό πρόσημο για τη μουσική παραγωγή στο τρέχον περιβάλλον της οικονομικής ύφεσης χρειάζεται να στηριχθεί στη φιλοσοφία που διέπει ένα πολιτιστικό οικοσύστημα παρά μια δημιουργική βιομηχανία.

Recensé : François de Singly, Double Je. Identité personnelle, identité statutaire, Paris, Armand Colin, 2017 (« Individu et Société »).

French Constitution guarantees the "Social Republic," the Greek constitution recognizes the « Social Rule of law ». If the principle of the Social State is to this day apprehended by the authors of both states as an undetermined principle of "low content of normativity," this study's focus offers a different perspective on the matter. If we study this principle in the context of normativism, we will be forced to view all norms as obligatory, and we will no longer contest its normative value but focus on determining its meaning. Only in this way we will be in the position of knowing what material level of life the constituents of the two states reserved for the individual, when they qualified the states as social. The study assumes that a state is social when it possesses the foundations that habilitate, oblige and prohibit the legislator from specific actions. The constitutive norms of the social state impose limits at the legal production. Seen at a positive perspective, the fundamental norms of the social state allows the legislator to improve the material conditions of life of the individuals without any constraints. The legislator concretizes the principle of the social state in a positive sense while being free from positive obligations. The only obstacle to the creation of new benefits is the impossibility to control legal inactivity; it constitutes an intrinsic limit to the principle of the social state. Seen from a negative perspective, the constitutive norms of the social state allow the legislator to limit the access to benefits but prohibit the neutralization of the principle. The actions of negative concretization that would lead to the annulation of the social state are prohibited. It follows that a minimum of social legislation should be maintained as long as the Constitution qualifies the state as social. At this angle, the normative foundations of the social state protect the essential core of the principle or, in other words, its counter- limits. ; La Constitution française consacre la « République sociale » et la Constitution hellénique reconnaît « l'État de droit social ». Si le principe de l'État social a jusqu'à aujourd'hui été amplement appréhendé par les études doctrinales dans les deux États analysés en tant que principe indéterminé au « contenu normatif faible », l'intérêt de l'étude porte sur la possibilité de l'envisager autrement. Étudié́ dans le cadre du normativisme, qui nous impose d'envisager toutes les normes en tant que normes obligatoires, il convient de ne plus contester la force normative du principe en question mais de déterminer son sens. C'est ainsi qu'on sera finalement en position de savoir quel niveau matériel de vie les constituants de ces deux États ont garanti aux individus lorsqu'ils ont qualifié́ les États de sociaux. L'étude part du postulat selon lequel un État est social à partir du moment où il dispose en son sein de fondements qui habilitent, obligent et interdisent des actions spécifiques au législateur. Les normes constitutives de l'État social posent ainsi des limites à la production législative. Envisagées d'un point de vue positif, les normes fondatrices de l'État social habilitent le législateur à améliorer les conditions matérielles de vie des individus, sans nullement le contraindre. Le législateur concrétise le principe de l'État social dans un sens positif, tout en étant libre d'obligations positives. Le seul « obstacle » à la création de nouvelles prestations est, ainsi, l'impossibilité de contrôler l'inaction législative ; un élément qui constitue une limite intrinsèque au principe de l'État social. Vues d'un point de vue négatif, les normes constitutives de l'État social permettent au législateur de restreindre l'accès aux prestations, mais lui interdisent de neutraliser le principe. Les actions de concrétisation négative qui équivaudraient à une suppression de l'État social sont prohibées. Il s'ensuit qu'un minimum de législation sociale doit toujours être préservé tant que la Constitution qualifie l'État de social. De ce point de vue, les fondements normatifs de l'État social protègent le noyau essentiel du principe ou, autrement dit, garantissent ses contre-limites.