Suchergebnisse

Colombia is the scenario of one of the longest armed conflicts in Latin-American history. After ten attempts to sign a peace agreement, the Government of Juan Manuel Santos decided to negotiate with the leaders of the guerrilla in La Habana, pursuing a final agreement. Although signing a peace agreement is important, it is a mere step in the process which seeks the establishment of a stable and lasting peace. This article focuses on the exhibition, analysis and contrasts, of the transitional justice model proposed and developed by the office of Dr. Eduardo Montealegre, the Colombian Attorney General. The aforementioned model involves the most important human rights and criminal law discussions regarding post-conflict legal, political and social scenarios. ; Colombia es escenario de uno de los conflictos armados de mayor data en la historia de Latinoamérica. Luego de diez intentos para poder armar la paz, el Gobierno del Presidente Juan Manuel Santos decide sentar a los cabecillas de la guerrilla en La Habana con el objeto de lograr un acuerdo definitivo. Sin embargo, la firma del cese del conflicto es solo un escalafón formal dentro del proceso de construcción de una paz estable y duradera. Por ende, el desarrollo de un modelo de justicia transicional para la Colombia del post conflicto es un tema crítico. Este artículo se enfoca en exponer, analizar y contrastar los principales puntos del modelo de justicia transicional presentado por el Dr. Eduardo Montealegre, Fiscal General de Colombia que, en definitiva, contrae los grandes temas de discusión dentro del derecho penal y los derechos humanos con relación a los escenarios jurídicos, políticos y sociales posconflicto.

Sobre la base de información censal de pruebas estandarizadas de rendimiento académico y la utilización de distintas técnicas de estimación, en este artículo se analizan algunos factores sociodemográficos y administrativos que repercuten en el desempeño de las escuelas municipales de Chile. Los hechos parecen indicar que la falta de flexibilidad del sistema, sobre todo en el proceso de despido de docentes, es un factor importante, pero no la principal causa del bajo rendimiento académico. En cambio, las diferencias en el rendimiento académico de las escuelas municipales que pueden atribuirse a la gestión casi duplican la desviación estándar de la prueba de rendimiento del sistema de medición de la calidad de la educación (SIMCE) y multiplican por 20 el incremento que se atribuye a la inici

The economic literature has attributed part of the increase in government expenditure over the 20th century to female voting. This is puzzling, considering that the political science literature has documented that women tended to be more conservative than men over the first half of the 20th century. We argue that the current estimates of this relationship are afflicted by endogeneity bias. Using data for 46 countries and a novel set of instruments related to the diffusion of female suffrage across the globe, we find that, on average, the introduction of female suffrage did not increase either social expenditures or total government expenditure. Keywords Author Keywords:Female suffrage; Government size; Voting rights

The scanty economic literature has attributed to female voting part of the increase in government expenditure and social government expenditure over the XXth century. This finding results puzzling considering that the political science literature has documented that women tended to be more conservative and right wing supporters over the first half of the XXth century across a wide set of developed and developing countries. We argue that current estimates on this relationship are afflicted by strong endogeneity bias. Using data for 46 countries we find that the introduction of female suffrage did not increased in average the social and total government expenditure. In our estimates we use a novel instrument set related to the diffusion of female suffrage across the globe. Further, research should focus on the determinants of women preferences across the political spectrum in order to understand the also documented movement of women towards the left that has occurred in some countries after the eighties, well after the introduction of female suffrage. Keywords: Female suffrage, Government Size, Voting right. JEL: !!

Despite the fact that female political participation has been steadily growing over time with unseen effects on public policy, women representation in politics is substantially lower than their proportion in society. Several studies have identified factors that could explain part of the cross-national variation in women´s representation. However, there is still no consensus on a baseline model for women´s representation. Moreover, none of these studies has dealt with the possible endogenous relation of some of the factors considered. In this paper we investigate the determinants of women´s representation, using a GMM system estimation to address the possible endogeneity. To estimate our model, we employ a unique data set that covers data for 191 countries from 1972 to 2004, in 8 different geographical regions. We propose a dynamic model for women´s representation and calculate each region´s steady state. We find that, keeping everything else constant, different regions have different steady states. Although for most regions their steady-state is well above their current percentage, without changing other variables, no region is going to have more than 22% of women in parliament, with the exception of Scandinavian countries. Moreover, we find that 77 to 93% of the gap with Scandinavia is explained by female secondary enrollment, labor force participation, fertility rates and political and economic rights.

Recent research has highlighted unequal treatment for women in academic economics along several different dimensions: promotion, hiring, credit for co-authorship, and standards for publication in professional journals. Can the source of these differences lie in biases against women that are pervasive in the discipline, even among students in the earliest stages of their training? In this paper, we provide direct evidence on the importance of explicit and implicit biases against women among students in economics relative to other fields. We conducted a large scale survey among undergraduate students in Chilean universities, among both entering first-year students and students in years 2 and above. The survey elicits measures of implicit bias, explicit bias, and gender attitudes. We document that, on a wide battery of measures, economics students are more biased than students in other fields. There is some evidence that economics students are more biased already upon entry, before exposure to any economic classes. The gap becomes substantially more pronounced among students in years 2 and above, in particular for male students. We also find evidence of an increase in bias in a sample of students that we can follow longitudinally. Differences in political ideology and religiosity explain essentially all the gap at entry, but none of the increase in the gap with exposure. Exposure to female students and female professors attenuates some of the bias of economics students.