Suchergebnisse

Abstract: Understanding the impact of societal perceptions on online gaming is crucial, given the online gaming industry's remarkable growth and the blurring lines between online and offline market environments. This study aims to explore how perceptions of inequality in the world, viewed through the lens of belief in a just world, affect game consumption and to understand the mediating effect of mindset. The results of two experiments provide adequate evidence that as people's belief in the existence of a fair world decreases, their inclination to play online games increases. Additionally, this trend intensifies when gamers possess a growth mindset, and life satisfaction shows a moderated mediating effect on the relationship. The results of this study will offer valuable insights to understand the connection between the online and offline worlds.

Abstract
Common national identity appeals have been identified as one of the most promising strategies to reduce affective political polarization. However, research on this is concentrated in highly individualistic Western democracies. Because much of the global population lives in more collectivist societies, it is important to conduct comparative tests to see if common national identity appeals operate similarly when considering the increasingly global problem of polarization. In this study, we investigate how the individualism–collectivism dimension of culture interacts with national identity salience as a polarization reduction strategy. Survey experiments were conducted in South Korea and the US. We find that priming national identity increases national pride much more in collectivist societies, but that the depolarizing effect of our national identity prime was only indirect and limited.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, there has been an unprecedented increase in the level of political blame attributed to China for the health crisis and other associated xenophobic discourses. Although previous research has revealed the effects of perceived outgroup threats on popular support for policies that control outgroups, threats posed by foreign countries have received little empirical attention. This study advances previous research by focusing on the independent effects of the perceived China threat to public support for restrictive immigration control during the COVID-19 pandemic. Using a sample drawn from the 2020 American National Election Studies, the results showed that the perceived China threat substantially heightened public support for restrictive immigration control. More importantly, demand for restrictive immigration control intensified when individuals had stronger perceptions of threats and conspiracy beliefs about the virus leak from a Chinese lab. Taken together, our findings demonstrate the roles of politically constructed threats and conspiracy beliefs during the COVID-19 pandemic, revealing new mechanisms of popular attitudes toward social control.

AbstractAlthough theories suggest that schools are associated with higher neighbourhood crime rates, it is not clear what particular measures of schools have a crime-producing impact when controlling for a diversity of social-ecological factors. We therefore address this question by performing a block-level analysis of schools and crime in the city of Chicago. Negative binomial regression models reveal that the presence of any school in the focal block is associated with higher violent and property crime rates and that these associations are largely robust to differing measures of schools. We also determine that concentrated disadvantage moderates the effect of school presence in the block on property crime. The implications of these findings for criminology and public policy are discussed.

To improve the independence of brain impairment patients in ADL, we sought to identify influential parameters from information commonly collected in hospitals, prioritize the factors, and specify the degree to which those factors are necessary. In total, 64 patients with hemiplegia, who had been admitted to the one of the authors, were examined using various evaluation tools. Afterwards, we checked the difference between the capable group and the incapable group with an independent t-test or chi-squared test to determine the significant factors, and we prioritized the significant factors with Spearman's rho test. The degree of their necessity was determined with the ROC curve. Standing balancing ability and hip joint and knee extensor strength are necessary in most ADL except for eating. In order to independently perform most ADL except eating and one gait cycle, the strength of the knee extensor and hip flexor was required to exceed grade 3 on the MRC scale. However, one gait cycle was possible even if the strength of the hip joint and knee extensors rated lower than 3 on the MRC scale. Additionally, upper limb motor recovery was required up to the distal parts in the order of bathing, dressing, and grooming.

Abstract

Rotation, one type of visual simulation used to create three‐dimensional (3‐D) experiences, and currently being used for product presentation on some e‐tail websites, may create consumer responses. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to examine the effects of rotation in product presentation on the cognitive, affective, and conative responses of consumers. This study employed a single‐factor between‐subjects design: product presentation (rotating vs. non‐rotating). Causal model analysis showed the influence of rotation in product presentation on perceived information quantity, mood, attitude, and purchase intention. Theoretical and managerial implications, as well as future research directions, are discussed.
Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

PurposeThis study investigates the effects of vertical direction and rotation of English loan brand names in East Asian languages (Chinese and Korean) on processing fluency, perceived product quality and purchase intention.Design/methodology/approachFour experiments were conducted in China and Korea, employing a 2 (vertical direction: downward vs upward) X 3 (rotation: 0°/marquee vs 90° clockwise vs 90° counterclockwise) between-subjects factorial design.FindingsThe findings showed that when the English loan Chinese brand name was displayed downward, the marquee format was preferred, while counterclockwise rotation was favored when displayed upward. In Korean, clockwise rotation was preferred for downward presentation, while counterclockwise rotation was favored for upward presentation. The effects on purchase intention were mediated by processing fluency and perceived product quality.Practical implicationsThis research provides practical implications for global manufacturers and retailers, offering guidance on presenting brand names in East Asian languages and optimizing product packaging designs. For Chinese consumers, the marquee format is recommended for downward-oriented brand names, while counterclockwise rotation is effective for upward orientation. For Korean consumers, clockwise rotation is favored for downward presentation and counterclockwise rotation is preferred for upward presentation. Understanding linguistic habits allows the tailoring of brand presentations, enhancing brand perception and consumer responses.Originality/valueThis study contributes to understanding the role of cultural and linguistic influences on consumer information processing and product perception in vertical presentations of brand names.

This study presents the results of a quasi-experiment to assess the effects of viewing a strategically manipulated portion of a 2020 Democratic Primary debate. Our aim was to assess the polarizing potential of primary debates on both ingroup (Democratic) and outgroup (Republican) viewers. Viewing the primary debate resulted in less perceived closeness with members of the opposing political party, greater feelings of social distance, and more attribution of malevolent intentions. These effects were consistent regardless of whether the viewer was a member of the political ingroup (Democrats) or outgroup (Republicans). Conversely, there was no effect of debate viewing on evaluations of outparty candidates (with respect to negative trait attributions or lower feeling thermometer evaluations)., nor did support for political compromise change as a result of viewing the debate. Both Democrats and independents reported improved evaluations of participating candidates, though Republican evaluations did not change.

This study presents the results of a quasi-experiment to assess the effects of viewing the live televised general election presidential and vice-presidential campaign debates. We contribute to a growing empirical record on the polarizing effects of campaign debates by testing some contextual variables that have confounded past researchers. Specifically, we use Trump's aggressive first debate performance as a test-case of polarizing content and compare it with Trump's second debate performance along with the other 2020 debates. We also test whether, as some have hypothesized, vice-presidential debates are more polarizing. Finally, we consider Biden—a candidate who has been polarizing and depolarizing in his vice-presidential debates, as a candidate-specific source of uncertainty in existing findings. We find further evidence that campaign debates increase ingroup affection—or the extent to which co-partisans reward the ingroup candidate. Conversely, outgroup hostility did not increase even after Trump's first debate. We conclude that debates may contribute to polarization, but only through ingroup affection, not outgroup animosity.