Suchergebnisse

Analyses of turnout in British general elections fall broadly into two camps: those based on constituency-level data, and those based on survey data. The former stress the importance of local context, while the latter stress personal characteristics and viewpoints. Underlying both are a range of theories purporting to explain turnout. However, to date, there has been little systematic attempt to analyse turnout in the round. In this paper, we combine survey and constituency data to study the individual and contextual correlates of turnout at the British general election and 1992. Constituency level analyses seem to confirm the importance of local context, though it declined during the 1980s. However, and contrary to analyses which employ constituency data only, while individual electors' decisions on whether or not to turn out are influenced by their personal circumstances, they are not influenced by local context. (European Journal of Political Research / FUB)

SURVEY DATA RELATING TO EACH BRITISH GENERAL ELECTION OVER THE PERIOD 1964-1987 ARE USED TO TEST THE FREQUENTLY-CLAIMED ASSUMPTION THAT REGIONAL POLARIZATION INCREASED OVER THE PERIOD. USE OF A LOG-LINEAR MODELLING ALLOWS THE HYPOTHESIS TO BE EVALUATED WITH THE CHANGING REGIONAL CLASS COMPOSITION HELD CONSTANT. THE RESULTS INDICATE THAT CLASS POLARIZATION REMAINS STRONG IN THE NORTH BUT HAS DECLINED SUBSTANTIALLY IN THE SOUTH. THIS PAPER IS THE FIRST TO PRESENT THE RESULTS OF ANALYSES OF THE CHANGING GEOGRAPHY OF VOTING IN GREAT BRITAIN, BY OCCUPATIONAL CLASS GROUPS, OVER SEVERAL GENERAL ELECTIONS.

Aggregate voting data suggest an increasing spatial polarization of the British electorate over the general elections of 1979, 1983, & 1987. Detailed analysis indicates the extent of the regional variation that has developed, in the context of the wider conception of a growing north-south divide. Reasons for the variation are sought in the concepts of sociotropic & egotropic voting, using data obtained from Gallup surveys conducted at the times of the three elections. Results show a growing regional disparity in levels of economic satisfaction/optimism & of party choice according to those levels. The north-south divide in voting behavior is clearly linked to a north-south divide in perceived economic prosperity. 10 Tables. AA

Scotland's 2014 Independence Referendum affords a rare opportunity to examine public support for the break-up of a long-established, stable democracy. Analyses of support for Scottish independence reveal that while issues of national identity loomed large in the vote, they were not the only factors involved. Questions around the economic and political direction of the state, and around uneven development, ideology and trust in established politicians also influenced voters' decisions. Partisanship also mattered, as voters were more likely than not to follow the lead of their party in what had become a highly partisan contest. But some parties – especially Labour – saw large minorities of their supporters vote against the party's line to support independence.

Ron Johnston and Charles Pattie use the latest research and hitherto unpublished material to explore financial differences across the UK's three main parties in the four years leading up to the 2010 General Election. They look at how much local parties raise for election campaigns and find that the more money candidates spend then, the better their performance

Ron Johnston and Charles Pattie use the latest research and hitherto unpublished material to explore financial differences across the UK's three main parties in the four years leading up to the 2010 General Election. They look at how much local parties raise for election campaigns and find that the more money candidates spend then, the better their performance.