Suchergebnisse

The developed countries contain about one-third of the world
population and they produce more than 80 percent of Gross World Product
(GWP). The remaining two-thirds of the population of our Globe who lives
in Asia, Latin America and most of Africa produces less than 20 percent
of the GWP. A small segment of the population of these countries is
wealthy but the over¬whelming majority subsists on substandard incomes
and is characterised by mass illiteracy, mal-nutrition, bad housing and
lack of medical care. Because of these characteristics they have low
productivity, which yields low level of income; low incomes, in turn,
imply a small capacity to save resulting in an economic situation where
there is barely a possibility to moblize resources for development. The
question has often been raised: 'Is there way out for the developing
countries' ? 1960s were declared as the First UN Development Decade and
it was hoped that during these years the pre-conditions for a successful
development would be established in various developing countries. The
present study analyses data on public revenue, public expenditure,
public savings and private savings for 12 selected developing countries
pertaining to the years of the First U.N. Development Decade. The
general conclusion that emerges from the study clearly suggests that
with appropriate economic policies resources for development can be
mobilized in the developing countries.

"The Lisbon treaty will fundamentally alter the foreign policy set-up of the European Union. Among the key innovations figure the establishment of the foreign affairs high representative and the European External Action Service (EAS). Their creation may well lead to a new era of European diplomacy, providing the Union with a genuine foreign policy chief and a full-fledged foreign service. Are these only high hopes, or will the Lisbon institutional engineering really make a difference? Will the Union henceforth speak with one voice at the international level? And will it back up its talk with firm action? This paper attempts to answer these questions by, first of all, analysing the treaty provisions concerned and establishing the way they are to be implemented. This includes ascertaining the high representative and EAS's responsibilities and competences, their respective relationship with other key actors, as well as the possible structure, composition, size and scope of the EAS. In a second step, the paper assesses the new arrangements' implications for EU foreign policy-making. It analyses how foreign policy-making will change and to which extent current institutional shortcomings of EU external action will be addressed. The analysis takes a neo-institutionalist approach, drawing on insights from both historical and sociological institutionalism. The paper argues that the new high representative will be agenda-setter, decision-shaper, coordinator and consensus-builder. He will be chief representative and principal negotiator, implement EU foreign policy and watch over the Union's crisis management. The EAS will support the high representative in all his tasks and is likely to develop into the new analytical hub of EU foreign policy-making. Together, the new office and its service will increase the visibility, continuity, consistency and efficiency of EU external action. They will enhance diplomatic professionalism and have the potential to mitigate the Union's structural lack of leadership. However, many questions still remain open and some new problems might crop up. The ultimate significance of the Lisbon reforms will depend on several conditions, chiefly relating to: the high representative's relations to the Commission president and European Council president; the EAS's exact scope; the member states' feeling of ownership of the new service; and the high representative's skill to pursue a pro-active agenda while gaining the member states' confidence." (author's abstract)

"Die deutsche Bundesregierung hat das Bemühen der Europäischen Union um Bürokratieabbau und eine bessere Rechtssetzung zu einem Schwerpunkt ihrer Ratspräsidentschaft im ersten Halbjahr 2007 gemacht. Das Thema ist dabei allerdings keinesfalls neu. Die Europäische Kommission treibt es seit mehreren Jahren unter dem Schlagwort 'Better Regulation' voran, insbesondere seit Antritt der Kommission unter Präsident José Manuel Barroso Ende 2004. Federführend verantwortlich ist Vizepräsident und Industriekommissar Günter Verheugen. 'Better Regulation' ist Bestandteil der im Jahr 2000 initiierten Lissabon-Strategie für Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze und soll in erster Linie europäische Unternehmen von unnötigen Bürokratielasten befreien. Das Programm zielt zum einen auf die Modernisierung des Rechtsbestands. Maßnahmen dazu umfassen die Anpassung, Aufhebung und Kodifizierung von EU-Recht, das Ersetzen von Richtlinien durch Verordnungen sowie einen Aktionsplan zur Verringerung von Verwaltungslasten. Zum anderen strebt 'Better Regulation' die Verbesserung neuer Gesetzgebung an. Zu diesem Zweck überprüft die Kommission bereits anhängige Gesetzesinitiativen um diese gegebenenfalls zu überarbeiten oder zurückzuziehen. Außerdem möchte sie vermehrt Evaluierungs- und sunset-Klauseln in neue Gesetze einfügen, alte Rechtsakte neu fassen und die Folgenabschätzung im Gesetzgebungsprozess ausweiten." (Textauszug)