This exploratory paper applying cross-cultural and developmental perspective analyses and discusses trust in alternative media and its relation to trust in professional media, seeking to identify the national specifics of media trust and its developmental patterns. Employing 2016 survey data of Czech, Estonian and Greek youth (aged 14–25, N = 3654) collected as part of the international CATCH-EyoU project (Horizon 2020), the study outlines the typology of media trust, comprising trust in alternative and professional media, and compares social and political predictors influencing media trust in the three countries. The study illustrates the diversity of relations between the two types of media trust, concluding that differences in selected predictors of media trust and the distribution of media trust types across national sub-samples illuminate the strong role national context plays, illustrating the varying pathways development of media trust follows in these varied contexts along socioeconomic and cultural lines.
Resilient adaptation among immigrant youth provides the foundation for healthy and productive adult lives. Great diversity is observed in their adaptation. This diversity has been studied during the past decade from different angles and intellectual traditions. However, the results are disconnected. In this paper, first, we present a resilience conceptual model for understanding immigrant youth adaptation. We argue that its concepts and principles allow us to best pull together what is known and discover what is still unknown. Together with narrower topic‐specific conceptual models, it can guide the formulation of hypotheses regarding immigrant youth resilience. Second, we examine comparatively, through the lens of this conceptual model, results of a content analysis on the abstracts of studies on individual differences in immigrant youth adaptation, conducted during the past decade in North American and European countries. Finally, we discuss the meaning of acculturation‐related terms which are often used in an inconsistent way.
Η παρούσα έρευνα βασίζεται σε εμπειρικά δεδομένα από την ελληνική συνεισφορά στο ευρωπαϊκό πρόγραμμα Catch-EyoU (Horizon 2020). Σκοπός ήταν η καταγραφή των μορφών κοινωνικής και πολιτικής συμμετοχής των νέων σε δράσεις συναφείς με την ΕΕ και η μελέτη των παραγόντων που τις ενεργοποιούν. Με αφετηρία κοινωνικοψυχολογικέςθεωρίες, υποθέσαμε ότι το πολιτικό ενδιαφέρον για την ΕΕ μεταφράζεται σε συγκεκριμένες μορφές δράσης διαμέσου της ευρωπαϊκής ταυτότητας και της πολιτικής αυτοαποτελεσματικότητας/ αποξένωσης. Το δείγμααποτέλεσαν 749 νέοι ενήλικες 18-27 ετών (Μ = 22,2 έτη, 50,7% γυναίκες, 89,7% Έλληνες υπήκοοι, 72% φοιτητές ή ασκούμενοι, 75,5% εργαζόμενοι). Πέραν της εκλογικής ψήφου, η ανάλυση συμπεριέλαβε τέσσερις συνιστώσες της πολιτικής συμμετοχής: συμβατική (υποστήριξη πολιτικών σκοπών), ακτιβιστική (διαμαρτυρία απέναντι στην εξουσία), διαδικτυακή (κοινωνικά δίκτυα), εθελοντική (κοινωφελείς δράσεις). Οι αναλύσεις διαμεσολάβησης ανέδειξαν διαφορετικούς εξηγητικούς μηχανισμούς της πολιτικής συμμετοχής από το πολιτικό ενδιαφέρον. Η αίσθηση του ανήκειν στην ΕΕ οδήγησε σε συχνότερη εκλογική συμμετοχή, αλλά σε λιγότερο ακτιβισμό και διαδικτυακή συμμετοχή. Αντιστρόφως, η διερεύνηση και η αναθεώρηση της ευρωπαϊκής ταυτότητας συνέβαλαν στην αύξηση της συμβατικής συμμετοχής. Η πολιτική αυτοαποτελεσματικότητα φάνηκε να προάγει τον ακτιβισμό και τη διαδικτυακή συμμετοχή, ενώ η πολιτική αποξένωση έτεινε να μειώνειτον ακτιβισμό. Τα αποτελέσματα καταδεικνύουν τις πολλαπλές νοηματοδοτήσεις της πολιτικής συμμετοχής των νέων αναφορικά με την ΕΕ. ; European youth's civic engagement and political participation in EU-related issues is a timely imperative. Research findings on youth citizenship range from political apathy to alternative forms of participation, although theoretical evidence remains poor. This study is based on empirical data from the Greek contribution to the European program CATCH-EyoU (Horizon 2020), aiming to explore different forms and predictors of youth's civic engagement and political participation on EU-related issues. Based on social psychological theoretical background, we assumed that the expressed political interest for the EU translates to specific forms of action. Identification with the EU and perceived political efficacy/alienation were expected to mediate the above relationship. The sample consisted of 749 young adults aged 18-27 (M = 22.2, 50.7% women, 89.7% Greek citizens, 72% university students, 75.5% employed). In addition to voting, four components of political participation and civic engagement were studied, namely conventional participation (in support of political parties and goals), activism (acts of protest against the authorities), online participation (social networks), and volunteering (non-profit actions). Mediation analyses showed that the relationship between political interest and participation can be explained by different mechanisms: The sense of belonging in the EU lead to more frequent electoral participation, but to less activism and online participation. On the contrary, EU identity exploration and reconsideration contributed to increased conventional participation. Political efficacy seemed to promote activism and online participation, while political alienation tended to decrease activism. These findings reveal the multiple connotations of youth's politicalparticipation regarding EU issues.
Η παρούσα έρευνα βασίζεται σε εμπειρικά δεδομένα από την ελληνική συνεισφορά στο ευρωπαϊκό πρόγραμμα Catch-EyoU (Horizon 2020). Σκοπός ήταν η καταγραφή των μορφών κοινωνικής και πολιτικής συμμετοχής των νέων σε δράσεις συναφείς με την ΕΕ και η μελέτη των παραγόντων που τις ενεργοποιούν. Με αφετηρία κοινωνικοψυχολογικέςθεωρίες, υποθέσαμε ότι το πολιτικό ενδιαφέρον για την ΕΕ μεταφράζεται σε συγκεκριμένες μορφές δράσης διαμέσου της ευρωπαϊκής ταυτότητας και της πολιτικής αυτοαποτελεσματικότητας/ αποξένωσης. Το δείγμααποτέλεσαν 749 νέοι ενήλικες 18-27 ετών (Μ = 22,2 έτη, 50,7% γυναίκες, 89,7% Έλληνες υπήκοοι, 72% φοιτητές ή ασκούμενοι, 75,5% εργαζόμενοι). Πέραν της εκλογικής ψήφου, η ανάλυση συμπεριέλαβε τέσσερις συνιστώσες της πολιτικής συμμετοχής: συμβατική (υποστήριξη πολιτικών σκοπών), ακτιβιστική (διαμαρτυρία απέναντι στην εξουσία), διαδικτυακή (κοινωνικά δίκτυα), εθελοντική (κοινωφελείς δράσεις). Οι αναλύσεις διαμεσολάβησης ανέδειξαν διαφορετικούς εξηγητικούς μηχανισμούς της πολιτικής συμμετοχής από το πολιτικό ενδιαφέρον. Η αίσθηση του ανήκειν στην ΕΕ οδήγησε σε συχνότερη εκλογική συμμετοχή, αλλά σε λιγότερο ακτιβισμό και διαδικτυακή συμμετοχή. Αντιστρόφως, η διερεύνηση και η αναθεώρηση της ευρωπαϊκής ταυτότητας συνέβαλαν στην αύξηση της συμβατικής συμμετοχής. Η πολιτική αυτοαποτελεσματικότητα φάνηκε να προάγει τον ακτιβισμό και τη διαδικτυακή συμμετοχή, ενώ η πολιτική αποξένωση έτεινε να μειώνειτον ακτιβισμό. Τα αποτελέσματα καταδεικνύουν τις πολλαπλές νοηματοδοτήσεις της πολιτικής συμμετοχής των νέων αναφορικά με την ΕΕ. ; European youth's civic engagement and political participation in EU-related issues is a timely imperative. Research findings on youth citizenship range from political apathy to alternative forms of participation, although theoretical evidence remains poor. This study is based on empirical data from the Greek contribution to the European program CATCH-EyoU (Horizon 2020), aiming to explore different forms and predictors of youth's civic engagement and political participation on EU-related ...
In the current research, we investigated the lay representations of the recent economic downturn, that had severe consequences on the lives of the involved people. We compared data of respondents from two countries that were affected to a different degree by the crisis: Greece (N = 529) and Italy (N = 327). We examined laypeople's representations of the perceived causes of the crunch (e.g., overconsumption, obscure power conspiracy), the strategies that are believed to be useful to overcome it (e.g., conforming to EU request, EU exit), and the political participatory activities (e.g., legal and illegal activism) that people intend to adopt. These variables were analyzed in light of two main predictors: political orientation and subjective economic vulnerability. The main hypothesis was that self-positioning on the left/right axis may be a strong driver of lay representations and political participation. However, we expected that in conjunction with the linear effect of this variable, its quadratic effect should be considered as well. The latter specifies that in some circumstances the opinions of people self-positioned at the poles of the political spectrum may be closer to each other than to the opinions of the people that position themselves in the center which sometimes do not behave as moderate but appear more conformist. Additionally, we hypothesized that vulnerability may be a motive to seek for explanations of the crisis, to find strategies and to engage in activities to overcome it. Findings were generally in line with predictions and were discussed in the light of recent research and the context of analysis.
Purpose: Treating Active Citizenship as a sum of behavioural indicators requires certain prerequisites that can be difficult to meet in practice (e.g. structural validity and measurement invariance). We explore a different approach, in which we treat Active Citizenship as a categorical, rather than a linear, construct. Design: Based on longitudinal data from eight European countries, we discovered the patterns' structure based on the first-year data and then replicated the analysis on the second-year sample to confirm it. Next, we explored the change between the years and its' trajectories. We compared countries profiles and their change. Finally, we used multinomial logistic regression to explore the most common trajectories. Findings: We describe six patterns: fighter, activist, volunteer, backer, online and indifferent. The pattern structure is replicable and 41.8% of respondents preserve their pattern. For those respondents who changed their pattern, we identified political interest, religiosity, gender and age as the main factors behind this change. Research implications: The study contributes to the understanding of youth Active Citizenship and the factors that support and promote it.
Purpose: Treating Active Citizenship as a sum of behavioral indicators requires certain prerequisites that can be difficult to meet in practice (e.g. structural validity and measurement invariance). We explore a different approach, in which we treat Active Citizenship as a categorical, rather than a linear, construct. Design: Based on longitudinal data from eight European countries, we discovered the patterns' structure based on the first-year data and then replicated the analysis on the second-year sample to confirm it. Next, we explored the change between the years and its' trajectories. We compared countries profiles and their change. Finally, we used multinomial logistic regression to explore the most common trajectories. Findings: We describe six patterns: fighter, activist, volunteer, backer, online and indifferent. The pattern structure is replicable and 41.8% of respondents preserve their pattern. For those respondents who changed their pattern, we identified political interest, religiosity, gender and age as the main factors behind this change. Research implications: The study contributes to the understanding of youth Active Citizenship and the factors that support and promote it.
How does academic literature across various disciplines conceptualize and empirically address active citizenship? What are the potential benefits and dangers of dominant epistemological and ideological perspectives on 'good citizenship'? Our paper engages with these questions by drawing on literature across 12 disciplines. We used textual analysis software TLAB to quantify and visualize co-occurrences, word associations and thematic clusters in the abstracts of 770 texts gathered by eight country teams and original in-depth qualitative analyses of ideological positions and discourses taken up in a selection of key texts across the corpus. Our paper elaborates the findings: that many of the key themes surrounding young people and citizenship in the literature share little or no connection with European citizenship; that there is a significant gap in the literature on young European citizens; and that studies connected to internal, status-based factors connected to citizenship are far more prevalent than those examining external, practice-based factors or dissidence and dissent. Our conclusions examine the potential normative implications of the disjuncture between dominant conceptions and critical accounts of youth active citizenship.
In this paper, we analyse the responses of 450 students from Greece, Portugal and Italy, who were asked to assess the efficacy of 32 actions as reactions against the austerity measures implemented to deal with the financial and economic crisis. These actions were organized into six types by a principal component factor analysis, and were ranked as follows from the most effective to the least effective: protectionism, civic participation, political resistance to government measures, individual financial protection, economic resistance to government measures and violence. Results showed that Greek respondents, who were in the most difficult socioeconomic situation, viewed all types of actions, except civic participation and individual financial protection, as more effective than the other respondents did. Regression analyses revealed, however, that crisis-related variables, in particular the attribution of responsibility for the crisis to internal factors and not to the people, and individual-related variables, such as political orientation and the intensity of depressive feelings, were strong predictors of the assessment of the efficacy of actions, in addition to the socioeconomic situation of the countries.
The impact of identity-related risk factors on psychopathology was analyzed in 2,113 emerging adults ( M = 22.0 years; 66% female) from France, Germany, Turkey, Greece, Peru, Pakistan, and Poland. Identity stress, coping with identity stress, maternal parenting (support, psychological control, and anxious rearing), and psychopathology (internalizing, externalizing, and total symptomatology) were assessed. After partialing out the influence of stress, coping, and perceived maternal behavior, country did no longer exert a significant effect on symptom scores. The effect for gender remained, as did an interaction between country and gender. Rather unexpected, on average, males reported higher internalizing symptomatology scores than females. Potential causes for the higher scores of males are therefore discussed. Partialing out covariates resulted in a clearer picture of country-specific and gender-dependent effects on psychopathology, which is helpful in designing interventions.
International audience ; As part of a larger research project, we asked 1,806 adults from France, Greece, and Italy (in the larger project, Portuguese students were included) to discuss the causes of the current economic crisis and the strategies that should be adopted by the countries to overcome it. The six factors extracted by the factor analysis revealed that the economic crisis was attributed to the depletion of resources, the weakness of the financial system, planned conspiracy, system inequality, overconsumption, or the weakness of the political system. These causes had cross-national structural equivalence and overconsumption – a people-blaming cause – as opposed to conspiracy attributions to a global power or to structural inequalities inherent to the system. Further analyses found three types of strategies to exit the crisis – conforming to EU requests, rationalizing the public sector, and leaving the European Union – but failed to establish cross-national structural equivalence. Results thus suggest that there is some similarity in the discourses of the media that is reflected on people's perceptions about the causes of the economic crisis, but that the strategies to exit the crisis are more linked to the socioeconomic conditions of the countries.
International audience ; As part of a larger research project, we asked 1,806 adults from France, Greece, and Italy (in the larger project, Portuguese students were included) to discuss the causes of the current economic crisis and the strategies that should be adopted by the countries to overcome it. The six factors extracted by the factor analysis revealed that the economic crisis was attributed to the depletion of resources, the weakness of the financial system, planned conspiracy, system inequality, overconsumption, or the weakness of the political system. These causes had cross-national structural equivalence and overconsumption – a people-blaming cause – as opposed to conspiracy attributions to a global power or to structural inequalities inherent to the system. Further analyses found three types of strategies to exit the crisis – conforming to EU requests, rationalizing the public sector, and leaving the European Union – but failed to establish cross-national structural equivalence. Results thus suggest that there is some similarity in the discourses of the media that is reflected on people's perceptions about the causes of the economic crisis, but that the strategies to exit the crisis are more linked to the socioeconomic conditions of the countries.
As part of a larger research project, we asked 1,806 adults from France, Greece, and Italy (in the larger project, Portuguese students were included) to discuss the causes of the current economic crisis and the strategies that should be adopted by the countries to overcome it. The six factors extracted by the factor analysis revealed that the economic crisis was attributed to the depletion of resources, the weakness of the financial system, planned conspiracy, system inequality, overconsumption, or the weakness of the political system. These causes had cross-national structural equivalence and overconsumption – a people-blaming cause – as opposed to conspiracy attributions to a global power or to structural inequalities inherent to the system. Further analyses found three types of strategies to exit the crisis – conforming to EU requests, rationalizing the public sector, and leaving the European Union – but failed to establish cross-national structural equivalence. Results thus suggest that there is some similarity in the discourses of the media that is reflected on people's perceptions about the causes of the economic crisis, but that the strategies to exit the crisis are more linked to the socioeconomic conditions of the countries.
International audience ; As part of a larger research project, we asked 1,806 adults from France, Greece, and Italy (in the larger project, Portuguese students were included) to discuss the causes of the current economic crisis and the strategies that should be adopted by the countries to overcome it. The six factors extracted by the factor analysis revealed that the economic crisis was attributed to the depletion of resources, the weakness of the financial system, planned conspiracy, system inequality, overconsumption, or the weakness of the political system. These causes had cross-national structural equivalence and overconsumption – a people-blaming cause – as opposed to conspiracy attributions to a global power or to structural inequalities inherent to the system. Further analyses found three types of strategies to exit the crisis – conforming to EU requests, rationalizing the public sector, and leaving the European Union – but failed to establish cross-national structural equivalence. Results thus suggest that there is some similarity in the discourses of the media that is reflected on people's perceptions about the causes of the economic crisis, but that the strategies to exit the crisis are more linked to the socioeconomic conditions of the countries.
International audience ; As part of a larger research project, we asked 1,806 adults from France, Greece, and Italy (in the larger project, Portuguese students were included) to discuss the causes of the current economic crisis and the strategies that should be adopted by the countries to overcome it. The six factors extracted by the factor analysis revealed that the economic crisis was attributed to the depletion of resources, the weakness of the financial system, planned conspiracy, system inequality, overconsumption, or the weakness of the political system. These causes had cross-national structural equivalence and overconsumption – a people-blaming cause – as opposed to conspiracy attributions to a global power or to structural inequalities inherent to the system. Further analyses found three types of strategies to exit the crisis – conforming to EU requests, rationalizing the public sector, and leaving the European Union – but failed to establish cross-national structural equivalence. Results thus suggest that there is some similarity in the discourses of the media that is reflected on people's perceptions about the causes of the economic crisis, but that the strategies to exit the crisis are more linked to the socioeconomic conditions of the countries.
