Suchergebnisse

The micro-macro problem in sociology : theoretical background -- Classical approaches to the micro-macro problem in sociology -- Social fields : the meso-level of analysis -- Social networks: tying micro and macro -- The sociological vacuum : the story of the spell cast on Polish sociologists -- Polish sociology in the 1970s, Stefan Nowak, and the sociological vacuum thesis -- Solidarnosz : how atomized individuals mobilized as a social movement? -- Civil society : in search of the new actor of the social transformation -- Social capital : what mediates between individuals and society? -- Quality of democracy : social base for political institutions -- What fills up the sociological vacuum? : empirical illustration -- Getting a job in Poland: how weak ties fill up the sociological vacuum? -- Conclusions -- References

This study critically discusses the thesis on the sociological vacuum formulated by Stefan Nowak. The author's aim is to refute the claim that the sociological vacuum is relevant for major social processes occurring in Poland. He presents the sociological vacuum in the context of the debate on micro and macro levels and discusses how the theory of fields and social network analysis is useful to reconcile the micro-macro divide. The book considers the uses of the sociological vacuum in explaining such phenomena as the Solidarność social movement, civil society, social capital, and democracy. In the empirical part, the author confronts the data on identifications with the data on relations and claims that the vacuum is not in the society but it in sociology. ; National Science Centre, decision number DEC-2012/07/D/HS6/00977

Teza Stefana Nowaka o "próżni socjologicznej" to najczęściej przywoływane twierdzenie o polskim społeczeństwie. W artykule przedstawiono, jak za pomocą tego pojęcia spoglądano z zewnątrz na polskie społeczeństwo i jak pojęcie to próbowano odnieść do innych społeczeństw. "Próżnia socjologiczna" została porównana z podobnymi pojęciami tj. "załamywanie się społeczności", "społeczeństwo klepsydry", "perspektywa braku środka". W artykule przedstawiono także wędrówkę pojęcia "próżni socjologicznej" pomiędzy czterema polami tematycznymi: Solidarność, społeczeństwo obywatelskie, kapitał społeczny, jakość demokracji. Pojęcie "próżni socjologicznej" nie wywędrowało poza polski kontekst, gdyż jest silnie naznaczone przekonaniem o jego unikalności. W trakcie swych wędrówek po różnych kontekstach tematycznych zostało tak przekształcone, aby służyło jako pojęcie wytrych, za pomocą którego socjologowie wyjaśniają niepożądane przez nich zjawiska.

Do zrozumienia stanu socjologii krytycznej konieczna jest rekonstrukcja pola socjologicznego, w którym jest ona wytwarzana, oraz jej relacji z socjologią akademicką, praktyczną i publiczną. W artykule przedstawiona jest alternatywna wobec zaproponowanej przez T. Warczoka i T. Zaryckiego rekonstrukcja pola socjologicznego w Polsce, a ich wystąpienie interpretowane jest jako działanie strategicznych aktorów. Ograniczenia socjologii krytycznej upatrywane są w słabościach socjologii akademickiej, która – często korzystając z gatunku eseju – wiedzę o polskim społeczeństwie przedstawia w sposób silnie udramatyzowany.

In the late 1970s, Stefan Nowak posited the existence of a sociological vacuum in Poland, and his concept became one of the most widely employed in studies of this society. The author of the present article uses an inventory of publications citing Nowak's perspective to analyse the manner in which this key concept has been implemented in sociological explanations. According to his findings, the idea appears to be most often used in accounts of the 1980s "Solidarność" movement, in reference to civil society and social capital, and in treatments of democracy in Poland. The validity of Nowak's idea is not usually questioned, and scholars referring to his thesis frequently modify the initial argument by shifting its meaning and ignoring its national identity element. Furthermore, in the analyzed works, the authors point to a sociological vacuum as an obstacle to the desired development of civil society, social capital, and democracy in Poland. This is usually done without deeper theoretical or empirical discussion, and in an essayistic and dramatized fashion. Such an anxiety about the lack of necessary ingredients in Polish society is described as horror vacui—i.e., fear of empty space. ; National Science Centre ; Mikołaj Pawlak

In this paper I analyze the materialization and public debate over the "Polish Migration Policy – current stage and the recommended actions" document, and the parts regarding the integration of immigrants in particular. I apply a neoinstitutional theoretical framework which allows me to conceptualize the mechanisms of the Europeanization process, and show that the integration policy is mainly developed by imitating the instruments promoted by the European Commission. I study imitation by applying the notions of translation and editing. This allows me to understand how the imitated model is adapted in the local context. The non-governmental organizations which commented on the document perceived the European model as suited for imitation. The public debate over the "Migration Policy of Poland" contributed to further strengthening and adaptation of the imitated model. ; Mikołaj Pawlak

The paper analyzes publications on refugees in Poland. It presents the conceptual asymmetries and clichés that might hinder the realization of the postulate that the researchers should be the translators of the worldviews of both the refugees and the members of the host society. Three types of asymmetries are being discussed. The first one concerns the unequal regard to the trustworthy and motives of informants. Many authors treat the relations given by the refugees under study as statements on facts, while the relations of other categories of informants as declarations. By the same token, the explaining of the motives of actions in the case of refugees usually takes into account the broad cultural context, while in the case of other categories of research subjects this context is not embodied yet their actions are being evaluated. The second asymmetry pertains to the explanation of the failure of the adaptation processes, which is not matched by a similar one as far as success stories are concerned. Eventually, the third asymmetry consists of differentiated attitudes with regard to the nongovernmental organizations and the state agencies. It is often the case that non-governmental organizations are a priori positively evaluated, while state agencies negatively. The paper also considers another often encountered conceptual cliché which describes the centers for refugees as a total institution. The empirical material under analysis shows that these do not fit Erving Goffman's definition of this phenomenon. ; Mikołaj Pawlak

After the so called "practice turn" in new institutional studies of organizations a big body of literature was published on how social actors (individuals or organizations) intentionally create institutions. Such actors were called "institutional entrepreneurs" (a controversial term, criticized from many perspectives) or – in the latest proposals – "proto-institution sponsors". The intentional actions of creating, maintaining or disrupting institutions can be theoretically grasped in the concept of institutional work as introduced by Thomas B. Lawrence and Roy Suddaby. In their studies departing from the classical understanding of the notion of institution as shaping and superior to action authors focus on how actions affect institutions. They are particularly interested in analyzing how actors introduce institutions in accordance to their values or interests. This theoretical approach – highlighting the intended institutional arrangements – leaves little room for analysis of institutionalization of practices, technologies or rules which got out of the control of social actors or became institutionalized as an effect of either competitive convergence or collaborative co-creation of actors with various goals, i.e. final arrangements are dissimilar to their initial designs. In the paper I discuss how to implement the problem of unintended consequences into the coherent theoretical framework of institutional work. I propose a typology of unintended consequences of institutional work which comprises of: institutional failures, institutional compromises and institutions under constant reinstitutionalization. ; Mikołaj Pawlak

The research report is based upon study carried out in Poland within the project "Xenophob. The European Dilemma: Institutional Patterns and Politics of 'Racial' Discrimination." Part of the project entailed conducting interviews and making visits in Polish schools attended by immigrant children. The paper presents selected results of a study regarding the situation of refugee pupils in Polish educational system. The research report is based on the analysis of semi-structured interviews with teachers, other school staff, members of NGO's based, or connected with, two lower secondary schools. In the research report I compare two very different situations of refugee pupils: the first school had to admit pupils from the hostel that is located in the school's cachment, the second school actively attracts refugee pupils to promote its tolerance teaching programs. The strategies developed by schools are called: strategy of admittance and strategy of encouragement. ; PR5 UE ; Mikołaj Pawlak

This paper analyses the role of the cities in the multi-level governance of integration policy. The goal was to analyse the relations of diverse actors in a multi-level governance context and the direct impact of the transnational EU policy to local level actors (that also bypassed the national level). We show how the interconnection of policy levels and the presence of actors in many roles in the process of developing immigrant integration policies resulted in the top-down transfer of policy goals. We also highlight the converse perspective and demonstrate how bottom-up policy initiatives strengthen the position of cities as important players in the multilevel governance, both individually and collectively.

This paper analyses the role of the cities in the multi-level governance of integration policy. The goal was to analyse the relations of diverse actors in a multi-level governance context and the direct impact of the transnational EU policy to local level actors (that also bypassed the national level). We show how the interconnection of policy levels and the presence of actors in many roles in the process of developing immigrant integration policies resulted in the top-down transfer of policy goals. We also highlight the converse perspective and demonstrate how bottom-up policy initiatives strengthen the position of cities as important players in the multilevel governance, both individually and collectively. ; Artykuł dotyczy wielopoziomowego zarządzania polityką integracji migrantów w miastach. Celem artykułu jest analiza relacji różnych aktorów w kontekście wielopoziomowego zarządzania polityką integracyjną, w szczególności oddziaływania transnarodowej polityki UE na aktorów szczebla lokalnego (proces by-passing national level). Tekst zwraca uwagę na wzajemne powiązanie poziomów polityki i obecność aktorów w wielu rolach w procesie tworzenia polityk integracji imigrantów. Procesy te skutkowały odgórnym transferem celów polityki. Artykuł zwraca również uwagę perspektywę odwrotną i pokazuje, jak oddolne inicjatywy polityczne wzmacniają pozycję miast jako ważnych graczy w wielopoziomowym zarządzaniu, zarówno indywidualnie, jak i zbiorowo.

"Institutionalization of the European Frame of Integration Policy in the metropolises of Central-Eastern Europe. Case studies: Budapest, Prague, Warsaw" (UMO 2016/21/B/HS5/02039) ; This paper analyses the role of the cities in the multi-level governance of integration policy. The goal was to analyse the relations of diverse actors in a multi-level governance context and the direct impact of the transnational EU policy to local level actors (that also bypassed the national level). We show how the interconnection of policy levels and the presence of actors in many roles in the process of developing immigrant integration policies resulted in the top-down transfer of policy goals. We also highlight the converse perspective and demonstrate how bottom-up policy initiatives strengthen the position of cities as important players in the multilevel governance, both individually and collectively. ; National Science Centre

This paper analyses the role of the cities in the multi-level governance of integration policy. The goal was to analyse the relations of diverse actors in a multi-level governance context and the direct impact of the transnational EU policy to local level actors (that also bypassed the national level). We show how the interconnection of policy levels and the presence of actors in many roles in the process of developing immigrant integration policies resulted in the top-down transfer of policy goals. We also highlight the converse perspective and demonstrate how bottom-up policy initiatives strengthen the position of cities as important players in the multilevel governance, both individually and collectively. ; Artykuł dotyczy wielopoziomowego zarządzania polityką integracji migrantów w miastach. Celem artykułu jest analiza relacji różnych aktorów w kontekście wielopoziomowego zarządzania polityką integracyjną, w szczególności oddziaływania transnarodowej polityki UE na aktorów szczebla lokalnego (proces by-passing national level). Tekst zwraca uwagę na wzajemne powiązanie poziomów polityki i obecność aktorów w wielu rolach w procesie tworzenia polityk integracji imigrantów. Procesy te skutkowały odgórnym transferem celów polityki. Artykuł zwraca również uwagę perspektywę odwrotną i pokazuje, jak oddolne inicjatywy polityczne wzmacniają pozycję miast jako ważnych graczy w wielopoziomowym zarządzaniu, zarówno indywidualnie, jak i zbiorowo.