Climate change, clean energy transition, the energy security quest, and international relations have triggered the revival of renewable energy as a solution to these problems. Nowadays, there is an energy transition where renewable energies bring geopolitical changes in a world where fossil fuels are becoming less relevant. This article aims to assess how the transition influences Spain's energy relations with other countries regarding electricity and its sources, in alignment with the European Green Deal. In order to do so, its current energy situation, the renewable energies development and its energy import-export relations are examined. The results show that despite progress in green regionalization through more electric interconnection, little difference is to be found in traditional relations with fossil fuel countries exporters, but more are the contractions in Spanish energy economic policy, as here is explained.
En febrero de 2009, se publicó una información referente a la gestación en el municipio de Granada de un partido político de base musulmana con vocación nacional que posiblemente se inscriba en el Registro de partidos políticos bajo la denominación Renacimiento y Unión. Aunque se trata de una iniciativa en ciernes y con un futuro todavía incierto, resulta necesario y relevante realizar una primera valoración sobre ella, pese a las lagunas informativas existentes al respecto y la precocidad del propio artículo. El objetivo de dicho artículo exploratorio es realizar, en la medida de lo posible, una aproximación inicial a las posibles repercusiones que puede generar la fundación de este nuevo partido desde el punto de vista de la ciencia política. ; In February 2009, information was published regarding the creation of a Muslim-based, national political party in the city of Granada (Spain), possibly named "Renacimiento y Unión" (Rebirth and Union) in the registry of political parties. Despite that this initiative is still in the making and seems to have an uncertain future, it is both necessary and relevant to make a preliminary assessment about it, being aware of the existing informative gap or even the prematurity of this paper. This work aims to show an initial approach to the possible outcomes that the foundation of this new party could entail from the standpoint of the Political Science. ; Grupo de Investigación Antropología y Filosofía (SEJ-126). Universidad de Granada
La creciente presencia de musulmanes en España configura nuevas reivindicaciones y tensiones que examinan la capacidad de la sociedad española para aceptar "otras" religiones y "otras" prácticas culturales. Partiendo de una noción de grupos de interés, cabe esperar la creación de asociaciones que representen dichos intereses. Este trabajo analiza el comportamiento colectivo y la configuración de intereses de los musulmanes a nivel local, en la ciudad de Granada. Partimos de dos estudios de caso para trazar nuestras conclusiones: por un lado, la larga reivindicación musulmana de disponer de un cementerio islámico y, por otro, la tensa negociación en torno a la celebración del Día de la Toma. Se ha empleado una metodología cualitativa basada en entrevistas a los actores principales así como referencias a prensa local, documentos oficiales e informes privados. Se exponen varias conclusiones: primero, en referencia a su organización, debemos entender a las comunidades islámicas, variadas, numerosas y no siempre conectadas, como los principales referentes asociativos. Segundo, su influencia vendrá caracterizada por su (hasta la fecha) situación de outsiders, aspecto que les impedirá desarrollar estrategias de alto impacto a corto plazo. Y, tercero, la persistencia en sus tareas de presión les lleva a lograr, de forma completa o parcial, sus objetivos. ; The growing presence of Muslims in Spain sets new demands and strains that examine the ability of Spanish society to accept "other" religions and "other" cultural practices. Based on a concept of interest groups, we can expect the creation of associations representing those interests. This paper analyzes the collective behaviour and configuration of interests of Muslims in the city of Granada. We rely on two case studies to draw our conclusions: first, the long Muslim claim to have an Islamic cemetery and, secondly, the tense negotiations about "el Día de la Toma". We have used a qualitative methodology based on interviews with key players and references to local press, official documents and private reports. We provide some conclusions: first, in regard to their organization, we must understand the Islamic communities -varied, numerous and not always connected- as the most representative interlocutors. Second, their influence will be characterized by their (to date) outsider position, something that will prevent them from developing high-impact, short-time strategies. And third, continuity in claims leads them to achieve, in whole or in part, their goals.
La Tri-Border Area ha suscitado gran interés este siglo en Estados Unidos. Este la ha considerado un posible foco de terrorismo yihadista, aunque —según muchas fuentes— Estados Unidos tiene otros intereses en el área, como el Acuífero Guaraní. El artículo aborda la verdadera presencia e intereses de Estados Unidos en dicha área, teniendo en cuenta tanto los proyectos relacionados con el agua, presentes en el hemisferio occidental, como la presencia del terrorismo en la región, con base parcial en los estudios del fiscal argentino Alberto Nisman. A partir de esos estudios, se realiza un análisis estructural prospectivo con la ayuda del software MICMAC, que indica un posible cambio de escenario.
This article is hinged on F. J. Ruiz Durán's Doctoral dissertation titled Erich Fromm's socialist humanism. Cuius regio eius religio, which was defended in 2011 at the University of Extremadura. This work examines how the US and the UK, in attempting to restrict the soviet influence over Europe after the Second World War, forged a political ideology deriving from a large group of thinkers, most of them linked to the Communist International whose toughest wing shaped the neoconservative movement. ; Este artículo está parcialmente basado en la tesis doctoral El humanismo socialista de Erich Fromm. Cuius regio eius religio, defendida en 2011 en la Universidad de Extremadura por Francisco Javier Ruiz Durán. En él se muestra cómo Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido, en su esfuerzo por contener la influencia soviética sobre la Europa de la segunda postguerra mundial, terminaron creando una ideología política gracias a un gran número de intelectuales, provenientes muchos de ellos de los mismos aparatos de la Internacional Comunista, cuya ala más dura terminó conformando el movimiento neoconservador. ; Este artigo está parcialmente baseado na tese de doutorado O humanismo socialista de Erich Fromm. Cuius regio eius religio, defendida em 2011 na Universidad de Extremadura por Francis co Javier Ruiz Durán. Ele descreve como os EUA e o Reino Unido, em um esforço por conter a influência soviética sobre a Europa no período pós-guerra, acabaram criando uma ideologia política graças a um grande número de intelectuais, muitos deles provenientes do mesmo aparelho da Internacional Comunista, cuja vertente mais radical derivou no movimento neoconservador.
This paper aims to study the importance of a good management of the Gazivoda reservoir. In the instable region of Balkans, water is considered a strategic resource. Crossing the disputed border between Kosovo and Serbia, Gazivoda's water plays an important role for economies and water supply in both countries. The desire of controlling Gazivoda may disrupt the relationship that Kosovo and Serbia report. Claims from ethnic minorities of Serbs in Kosovo, and Albanians in Serbia might pose risks to current frontiers. Borders need to be respected to achieve stability. Foreign models of cooperation can be followed in order to achieve a good management successful for society on both sides of the border.
Este artículo está parcialmente basado en la tesis doctoral El humanismo socialista de Erich Fromm. Cuius regio eius religio, defendida en 2011 en la Universidad de Extremadura por Francisco Javier Ruiz Durán. En él se muestra cómo Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido, en su esfuerzo por contener la influencia soviética sobre la Europa de la segunda postguerra mundial, terminaron creando una ideología política gracias a un gran número de intelectuales, provenientes muchos de ellos de los mismos aparatos de la Internacional Comunista, cuya ala más dura terminó conformando el movimiento neoconservador.
This article is hinged on F. J. Ruiz Durán's Doctoral dissertation titled Erich Fromm's socialist humanism. Cuius regio eius religio, which was defended in 2011 at the University of Extremadura. This work examines how the US and the UK, in attempting to restrict the soviet influence over Europe after the Second World War, forged a political ideology deriving from a large group of thinkers, most of them linked to the Communist International whose toughest wing shaped the neoconservative movement. ; Este artículo está parcialmente basado en la tesis doctoral El humanismo socialista de Erich Fromm. Cuius regio eius religio, defendida en 2011 en la Universidad de Extremadura por Francisco Javier Ruiz Durán. En él se muestra cómo Estados Unidos y el Reino Unido, en su esfuerzo por contener la influencia soviética sobre la Europa de la segunda postguerra mundial, terminaron creando una ideología política gracias a un gran número de intelectuales, provenientes muchos de ellos de los mismos aparatos de la Internacional Comunista, cuya ala más dura terminó conformando el movimiento neoconservador. ; Este artigo está parcialmente baseado na tese de doutorado O humanismo socialista de Erich Fromm. Cuius regio eius religio, defendida em 2011 na Universidad de Extremadura por Francis co Javier Ruiz Durán. Ele descreve como os EUA e o Reino Unido, em um esforço por conter a influência soviética sobre a Europa no período pós-guerra, acabaram criando uma ideologia política graças a um grande número de intelectuais, muitos deles provenientes do mesmo aparelho da Internacional Comunista, cuja vertente mais radical derivou no movimento neoconservador.
Commentators believe that the COVID‐19 pandemic reveals the inconveniences of capitalism and that the end of "neoliberalism" could be near. In this article we show that a capitalist ethics is capable to deal with the challenges of pandemics and comes with important advantages such as the prevention of overreactions. We apply both utilitarian and rights‐based ethics to the case of epidemics in general and COVID‐19 in particular. First a libertarian natural law ethics is used to assess the government interventions in the Corona pandemic. We maintain that these interventions cannot be justified from a libertarian point of view despite of the possible objections that are discussed such as the "potential threat argument". Moreover, the utilitarian argument in favor of government lockdowns is evaluated. The negative effects of lockdown on mental health, addictions, domestic violence, etc. have to be taken into account. The utilitarian argument in favor of lockdown is far from convincing, as economic calculation is not possible.
In this article, we aim to develop a political economy of mass hysteria. Using the background of COVID-19, we study past mass hysteria. Negative information which is spread through mass media repetitively can affect public health negatively in the form of nocebo effects and mass hysteria. We argue that mass and digital media in connection with the state may have had adverse consequences during the COVID-19 crisis. The resulting collective hysteria may have contributed to policy errors by governments not in line with health recommendations. While mass hysteria can occur in societies with a minimal state, we show that there exist certain self-corrective mechanisms and limits to the harm inflicted, such as sacrosanct private property rights. However, mass hysteria can be exacerbated and self-reinforcing when the negative information comes from an authoritative source, when the media are politicized, and social networks make the negative information omnipresent. We conclude that the negative long-term effects of mass hysteria are exacerbated by the size of the state.
This paper provides a theoretical framework to explore how the support policies for renewable energies can promote rent-seeking incentives in private firms. We develop a political economy of rent-seeking that considers the link between the regulatory decisions of political agents and the potential scope of socially wasteful pursuits. We argue that systematic public support schemes bring rent-seeking as a perception shared by entrepreneurs that influencing political allocations of resources is an essential and potentially preferable source of private profit than other for-profit economic avenues. As evidence of our claims, the framework is applied to the case of Spain to illustrate the economic effects of support policies on the production and distribution of renewable energy. We find rent-seeking behavior in Spain's renewable energy industry, and precisely that: (i) political regulations have induced market concentration and rent-seeking in renewable energy firms, (ii) these firms have required increasing regulations and premiums to survive, and (iii) energy consumers are forced to pay rent-seeking through increasingly expensive electricity bills. The analysis reveals some challenges and opportunities to drive efficient market-based policies to strengthen entrepreneurial competition and curb rent-seeking behavior. These insights have relevant proposals for the Spanish energy industry in complying with the EU Green Deal through a sustainable transition and comprehensive growth.
The Austrian school economics and neo-Marxist theories both have been reviving in recent years. However, the current academic discussion lacks a debate between two schools of economics with diametrically opposed views. This paper is the first and an initial Austrian challenge to Neo-Marxist scholars Nieto and Mateo's argumentation that cyber-communism and the Austrian theory of dynamic efficiency are consistent to enhance economic development. Their argument focuses on two issues: (a) the existence of circular reasoning in the Austrian theory of dynamic efficiency, and (b) dynamic efficiency and full economic development could be strongly promoted in a socialist system through new information and communication technologies (ICT) and the democratization of all economic life. While cyber-communism refers to cyber-planning without private property rights through ICT, dynamic efficiency refers to the entrepreneurs' creative and coordinative natures. In this paper, first, we argue that the hypothesis that dynamic efficiency and cyber-communism is not compatible. Contrary to the above cyber-communist criteria, the Austrian theory of dynamic efficiency argues that to impede private property rights is to remove the most powerful entrepreneurial incentive to create and coordinate profit opportunities. Second, we argue that the cyber-communism system is inconsistent with economic development. In this regard, we explain how the institutional environment can cultivate or stifle dynamic efficiency and economic development. Having briefly outlined the central argument of Nieto and Mateo, we examine the institutional arrangement supporting cyber-communism. After that, we evaluate the implications of cyber-communism in the dynamic efficiency process. It becomes manifest that Nieto and Mateo's accounts are too general to recognize the complexity of how economic development works.
