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While scholars and practitioners have extensively analyzed the causes, the consequences and, more generally, the correlates of good governance, little‐to‐no attention has been paid to whether the institutionalization of political parties—as evidenced by the stability of the party system—is in any way related to good governance. The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between party system change, good governance, and its dividends. The analyses reveal three main conclusions. First, the stability of a party system is strongly and significantly related to each of the good governance indicators identified by Kaufmann and his colleagues. Second, that while party system instability is not significantly related to a country's wealth, it has a positive impact on economic growth even when we control for the effects of good governance. Third, that good enough governance is a better predictor of economic performance than good governance.Related ArticlesNwokora, Zim, and Riccardo Pelizzo. 2015. "The Political Consequences of Party System Change." Politics & Policy 43 (4): 453‐473. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/polp.12124Pelizzo, Riccardo, and Salvatore J. Babones. 2003. "The Political Economy of Polarization: The Italian Case, 1963‐1987." Politics & Policy 31 (1): 54‐78. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2003.tb00887.xPelizzo, Riccardo, and Zim Nwokora. 2016. "Bridging the Divide: Measuring Party System Change and Classifying Party Systems." Politics & Policy 44 (6): 1017‐1052. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/pdf/10.1111/polp.12188Related Media"Challenges of Governance in Africa ‐ HE President Kgalema Petrus Motlanthe." 2017. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-Y6LcF8LAss"#TalkAfrica: Good Governance in Africa." 2018. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BWsvN0i_ZcgCrocker, Chester A. 2019. "African Governance: Challenges and Their Implications." https://www.hoover.org/research/african-governance-challenges-and-their-implications

Transparency International has just released the Corruption Perception Index for 2019. One of the notable changes revealed by Transparency international's data is that Kazakhstan improved its score by 3 points -from 31 to 34- and climbed to the 113rd position worldwide.

A few days ago a Tanzanian friend noted, in an email, that "Africa is going backwards socially, politically and most importantly economically". Few hours later, a friend from Togo remarked that "the situation is worsening day after day".

For the past few years, we have summarized the key findings of the Africa Wealth Report produced by the AfrAsia bank.

As we noted in a previous post, Africa has 145000 High Net Worth Individuals whose assets are worth about 800 billion. Overall Africans' net worth is estimated in 2.2 trillion US dollars. The number of HNWIs has increased considerably in the past decade and is expected to grow nearly as much in the next decade.

The South Korean case has extensively been investigated by political economists. It was one of the best known cases of a developmental state -a state that, by making the right choices, is able to create the conditions for socio-economic development.

East Africa has traditionally had good universities. The data collected and made available by Scimago allow one to assess how good East African universities are in comparative perspective.

In 2018 Abel Kinyondo, Zim Nwokora and I co-authored a paper entitled 'Development in Africa' which was eventually published by World Affairs. In the article we claimed that the development progress that countries in Sub-Saharan Africa had experienced was the result of several factors.

Some news are good and possibily very good: in Mozambique, the government and RENAMO have signed a peace deal, while, according to President Buhari, 5 million Nigerians have been lifted out of poverty in the past three years.

This article examines what socio-economic factors are conducive to changes in the patterns of inter-party competition in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The literature has in recent years paid considerable attention to measuring party system change, to identifying the consequences of party system instability for the proper functioning of democratic regimes, and to understanding what factors are responsible for the instability of party systems. In contrast to previous studies that view political change in general and party system change more specifically as the result of social transformation, development, modernization and change in the cleavage structure, this paper shows instead that poverty is the primary driver of party system change in the SSA region. In countries with high levels of poverty, political elites do enjoy little to no performance-based legitimacy. The lack of performance-based legitimacy is the reason why voters in such countries are willing to alter their voting habits and parties are unable to preserve their electoral fortunes over time—which is precisely why party systems do change. The literature showed that stable party systems are good for democracy. This paper shows that to enhance the stability of party system in SSA, poverty has to be reduced and possibly eradicated.