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Now, three years after the Dayton Peace Accords, we can say that the war left the legacy of some malfunctions of the preceding years, even though we should underline considerable improvements in the political co-ordination of the diplomatic initiatives, an obvious result of the international political guidance that was much clearer than in the past. The creation of OHR joint diplomatic mission that is still trying to reconcile the different European and American approaches, was actually successfull in limiting the excessive activity of the single states and the spreading of disconnected diplomatic initiatives, that nevertheless are again the main protagonists in the political arena as regards governmental cooperation in the agencies' activities. The shift, still going on and not completed yet, from an emergency stage to the reconstruction, changed many of the subjects operating on-site, that still remain numerous and difficult to set in an overall rational framework The idea of the co-ordination between the different projects and interventions still remains an unfulfilled plan and BiH on many occasions seems like a country that has to face the dimension of the "forced aid" that generates an economy depending and feeding itself solely on the resources brought in by humanitarian as well as reconstruction/development projects. Sarajevo has become the portrait of this "after-war" and "before the peace" stage. Coming out of a very tough three-year siege that had made it the emblem of the war, Sarajevo became the symbolic destination of all the subjects who could not get there during the war due to obvious practical difficulties and that are now setting up their headquarters in BiH. Besides, we have been witnessing a Bosnian process of strong political and administrative centralisation on Sarajevo, that is a reaction to the phenomenon - unnecessary - of the increased municipal local authorities' competences witnessed during the war. This makes an equal distribution of the aid between the centre and the peripheries quite impossible, and Sarajevo soon becomes - with its more than 12.000 international operators - the clearest image of a system "overloaded" with aid intervention and personnel working there. Nevertheless, the myth of reconstruction overturns any other criticism on the international presence in BiH, in spite of the impression that, what with the war over, this is not simply a territory to be rebuilt, as promoted by the stereotypes that attract Western entrepreneurs who express their will to contribute in this stage. With the wounds and the local political class that, at a close look, came out of the conflict quite invigorated, the issue of political mediation on reconstruction becomes central. Foreign bodies do not always invest into this. (SOI : PM: S. 125; 134f.) + In the last ten years, international organizations have defmed more clearly the role and the tasks of humanitarian aid in contemporary international relations. The case of Bosnia and Herzegov is a good illustration of the advantages but also of the disadvantages of today's humanitarian operations. The peacekeeping operation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is the largest operation of this kind that has been set in motion by the international community. In its humanitarian aspect it is complex and multi-layered. Humanitarian campaigns today are more philanthropically than organizationally driven, but it is the latter aspect that makes them fail or succeed. It is not enough to provide humanitarian aid, but its distribution to the recipients who need it must be organized. That process involves several essential factors: international and interstate organizations governmental organizations as well as non-governmental (international and local) organizations and associations. The example of Bosnia and Herzegovina shows to what extent the mentioned factors contribute to the success of a operation, but also the problems which stem from their undefmed role and tasks

"World War Aid offers a novel perspective on the unprecedented aid in the Ukrainian conflict, destined to leave an international "echo" reaching far beyond the individual historical case and the aid sector alone. This book clarifies the evolving scenario of a conflict that, before tanks, had long been fought on the territory of aid. The author makes arguments about aid which can be traced back to three sets of issues: 1. Ukraine's history from its independence in 1991 until the war in 2022, that witnessed the evolution of inter-state aid sent to Kyiv. This period anticipated the geo-political dispute over the country's future, and was marked by confrontation between Donors who would later become the protagonists of the war scenario. 2. The exceptionality of the Ukrainian case is discussed by specifically identifying eight peculiarities of wartime aid: the response speed of Western Bilateral Donors; the leading role and primacy of the latter over the non-governmental sector; the key influence exercised by the Ukrainian recipient; the quantity and diversification of aid involved; Russia's conversion of aid into hybrid weapons (Weaponization of Aid); the West's provision of weapons as primary aid (Aidization of Weapons); the excessive anticipation of post-war planning initiatives; and sanctions modeled to represent a new form of aid. 3. Based on these peculiarities, a new model of Interventionist Aid is defined, characterized by a willingness to take an active part in the crisis in which the Donors operate, in order to condition its course and outcome. By preferring tactical purposes to humanitarian ones, and prioritizing military and financial interventions, Interventionist Aid represents an absolute conceptual, political and historical novelty in inter-state aid. At the domestic level, future World Order based on Interventionist Aid highlights the risk of a growing political delegitimization connected with negative narratives of Post-Democracy Aid. Meanwhile - at the international level - a World War Aid is forecasted: a global scenario of belligerent actions fought on a broad spectrum, with aid being used by Donor states to fuel real proxy military confrontations. A highly original take on a key event of the 21st century, World War Aid is an invaluable text for political scientists, analysts and historians of international relations, as well as diplomats and practitioners of foreign policy and foreign aid"--

"Re-framing Foreign Aid History and Politics presents an integrated analysis, at once conceptual, historical, and political, of the growing impact of State Funded Aid on international relations, particularly after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the end of the bipolar system. In order to observe aid as an emerging instrument of foreign policy, the book develops an original approach which puts donors and recipients on the same level, and examines the political dynamics of their relationship. The focus shifts from looking at the needs covered by aid interventions to the political motivations of donors and recipients. Aid is reconceptualized to include any transaction on favorable terms between these two parties, regardless of the object of that aid. This framework of analysis is applied to several historical cases, from the post-conflict transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the post-Soviet one in Russia in the 90s to the medical aid to Italy and Russian vaccine diplomacy to the Republic of San Marino during the COVID-19 pandemic. In the end, the book identifies ten major trends that have shaped the dynamics of the relationship between donors and recipients over the last few decades, and on a more general level, traces the impact that State Funded Aid has had on the international system. By arguing that, on the whole, donors have had greater political interests than recipients, the book takes a fresh and original look at aid as instrument of power politics. It will be of great interest to students, scholars, and practitioners of foreign aid and foreign policy, and to all those interested in analyzing how they have been affected by the global pandemic"--

"Re-framing Foreign Aid History and Politics presents an integrated analysis, at once conceptual, historical, and political, of the growing impact of State Funded Aid on international relations, particularly after the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the end of the bipolar system. In order to observe aid as an emerging instrument of foreign policy, the book develops an original approach which puts donors and recipients on the same level, and examines the political dynamics of their relationship. The focus shifts from looking at the needs covered by aid interventions to the political motivations of donors and recipients. Aid is reconceptualized to include any transaction on favorable terms between these two parties, regardless of the object of that aid. This framework of analysis is applied to several historical cases, from the post-conflict transition in Bosnia and Herzegovina and the post-Soviet one in Russia in the 90s to the medical aid to Italy and Russian vaccine diplomacy to the Republic of San Marino during the COVID-19 pandemic. In the end, the book identifies ten major trends that have shaped the dynamics of the relationship between donors and recipients over the last few decades, and on a more general level, traces the impact that State Funded Aid has had on the international system. By arguing that, on the whole, donors have had greater political interests than recipients, the book takes a fresh and original look at aid as instrument of power politics. It will be of great interest to students, scholars, and practitioners of foreign aid and foreign policy, and to all those interested in analyzing how they have been affected by the global pandemic"--

For decades International Relations have seen an uninterrupted increase in the weight of aid policies in defining the number and quality of bilateral and multilateral relations between sovereign States, increasingly replacing the traditional instruments of war and trade. Although aid is an ever-increasing component of States' foreign policies and conditions not only their reciprocal relations but the entire International System, it is struggling to establish itself as an object of historical and political study in its own right. The conceptual definition of aid, which has remained rather vague, charged with a prescriptive and a-political moralising scope, has suffered.The article is dedicated to a (re)-operationalization of the concept of State Aid in the international dimension so as to make it a useful practical tool for historical- political research on the subject. This leads to the definition of a new concept of International Aid Public Policy (IAPP), which goes beyond the traditional concept of Foreign Policy to support a History of International Relations and Institutions that includes the analysis of aid policies between sovereign states, both outgoing (if donors) and incoming (if recipients). ; Da decenni le Relazioni Internazionali vedono un aumento ininterrotto del peso delle politiche di aiuto nel definire numero e qualità delle relazioni bilaterali e multilaterali tra Stati sovrani, sostituendosi sempre più spesso ai tradizionali strumenti della guerra e del commercio. Per quanto gli aiuti siano una componente sempre maggiore delle politiche estere degli Stati e condizionino non solo le loro reciproche relazioni ma l'intero Sistema Internazionale, essi faticano ad affermarsi come oggetto di studio storico politico a se stante. A farne le spese è stata la definizione concettuale dell'aiuto, rimasta piuttosto vaga, carica di una portata moralizzatrice prescrittiva e a-politica. L'articolo si dedica ad una (ri)-operazionalizzazione del concetto di Aiuto di Stato nella dimensione internazionale in modo ...

Vengono disegnati in queste pagine i caratteri e le finalità della politica di Aiuti e Sanzioni posta in essere dalla Russia negli ultimi decenni, secondo una interpretazione assolutamente innovativa rispetto alla loro accezione originaria, che postula un avvicinamento dei due strumenti tale da consentire loro di «agire in sinergia; polarità opposte di una stessa logica che ha come obiettivo l'obbligazione politica a vantaggio rispettivamente del Donatore e/o Sanzionatore». Conseguentemente «da strumento eccezionale da usare in casi limite, le Sanzioni sono divenute mezzo di governo regolare e di routine della politica estera. Come nel caso degli aiuti, il ricorso ad esse, da estrema ratio dell'azione internazionale dello Stato Nazione, è passato a prima scelta diplomatica di Mosca». This work examines the characters and aims of the Russian Aid and Sanctions policy in the last decades, according to a brand new interpretation that considers a rapprochement between the two instruments to «act in synergy; opposite polarities of the same logic that has as its objective the political obligation to the advantage of the Donor and / or Sanctioner respectively». Consequently, «from an exceptional instrument to use in extreme cases, the Sanctions have become a mean of regular and routine government of foreign policy. As in the case of aids, the appeal to them, from the extreme rationale of the international action of the State Nation, is passed to the first diplomatic choice of Moscow».

In the last ten years, international organizations have defined more clearly the role & the tasks of humanitarian aid in contemporary international relations. The case of Bosnia & Herzegovina is a good illustration of the advantages but also of the disadvantages of today's humanitarian operations. The peacekeeping operation in Bosnia & Herzegovina is the largest operation of this kind that has been set in motion by the international community. In its humanitarian aspect it is complex & multilayered. Humanitarian campaigns today are more philanthropically, than organizationally, driven, but it is the latter aspect that makes them fail or succeed. It is not enough to provide humanitarian aid, but its distribution to the recipients who need it must be organized. That process involves several essential factors: international & inter-state organizations governmental organizations as well as nongovernmental (international & focal) organizations & associations. The example of Bosnia & Herzegovina shows to what extent the mentioned factors contribute to the success of a humanitarian operation, but also the problems that stem from their undefined role & tasks. Adapted from the source document.