Suchergebnisse

While the notion of social harm has long interested critical criminologists it is now being explored as an alternative field of study, which provides more accurate analyses of the vicissitudes of life. However, important aspects of this notion remain undeveloped, in particular the definition of social harm, the question of responsibility and the methodologies for studying harm. This book, the first to theorise and define the social harm concept beyond criminology, seeks to address these omissions and questions why some capitalist societies appear to be more harmful than others. In doing so it provides a platform for future debates, in this series and beyond. It will be a valuable resource for academics and researchers across criminology, sociology, social policy, socio-legal studies and geography.

Little attention to date has focused on the role of urban planning in responding to migration-related super-diversity. Through a focus on a city (Liverpool, UK) which is becoming increasingly superdiverse, the paper highlights the importance of class based differences – over and above ethnic and cultural differences – in shaping the practices of urban planners. Along with the recency and speed of population change, the importance of legal status and the 'visibility' of super-diversity, this may serve to increase the risk of urban planning equivalising differences between residents and concealing issues of racism and discrimination.

Since the inception of local government in the UK, there have been continuous attempts to reorganise and revise its distinctive characteristics, with successive reforms differing in their intended effects. In Wales, a further round of local government reorganisation is now being proposed following the Williams Commission Report (2014) on Public Service Governance and Delivery. Through drawing on the concepts of statecraft and scalecraft, this paper provides a theoretically informative account of the contradictions of the 'layering' process associated with the rescaling of local government in Wales. This helps to (i) enhance our understanding of contemporary proposals for reform; and (ii) develop a tighter specifying of the process of state rescaling.

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This article seeks to understand the processes which occur after a death in police custody in England and Wales. The analytical focus falls upon the identities which are attributed to the victim by state actors. It will be argued that these identities are part of a discursive formation `state talk' which seeks to inflate the dangers faced by state actors in order to legitimate their often oppressive interventions in the lives of marginalized groups. A death in police custody poses serious questions about these interventions. Consequently, considerable ideological attention is required to ensure hegemonic support for coercive state apparatus. This article seeks to challenge the discourses of danger and disorder that state talk preaches in order to maintain authoritarian populism's hold over the historical bloc. Drawing upon a number of empirical sources, the article interrogates these narratives and presents a series of alternative truths about deaths in police custody.

Both within the UK and in a wider international context, there is an increasing concern with young people who are not in education, employment, or training (NEET). The author details research undertaken within Greater Merseyside (UK), which has relatively high levels of young NEET and where a 'culture of worklessness' has developed within the poorest areas. A focus is placed on the degree to which intergenerational factors influence NEET status, as opposed to peer influence, (low) educational attainment/disaffection, poor labour-market experience, or a lack of (place-specific) employment/education or training opportunities. Through reference to Hodkinson's pragmatic rational decision-making model, it is suggested that the success of policy interventions has been limited because of the diversity of influences on an individual's NEET status. However, a greater emphasis on addressing intergenerational issues through a focus on activities such as positive parenting, raising aspirations, and addressing family breakdown would make a greater impact, in conjunction with addressing disaffection through the provision of alternative forms of education, removing barriers to employment, and subsidising involvement in further/higher education.

Since 1997, there has arguably been a 'rediscovery' of those most at risk of poverty and social exclusion by New Labour. Within this context, it is important to consider the European, national and sub-national policy frameworks within which interventions are being developed. The European Union's 'Open Method of Co-ordination' is of relevance given its emphasis on making a decisive impact on poverty and social exclusion by 2010 through stimulating domestic policy processes in the form of National Action Plans on Inclusion (NAPSI). It also attempts to provide a coordinating framework for member states to exchange policy ideas and practices. As part of the development of the 2006-8 UK NAPSI, a Social Policy Task Force worked jointly with the Department of Work and Pensions to take forward the ' Get Heard' process — a mechanism to ensure that the views of those at the 'grassroots' could be fed into the process of developing the plan. This article presents key findings from one case study area (Merseyside). There is a subsequent consideration of the degree to which either informal or more formalized arrangements are conducive to securing enhanced horizontal and vertical integration in governance frameworks, policy making and service delivery for those most marginalized.

This article considers the characteristics and experiences of economic migrants arriving in the UK from the `A8' Accession countries following the enlargement of the EU in 2004. Through case study analysis focused on the north west of England, the article attempts to fill gaps in knowledge of A8 migrant worker communities and their local and regional impact. This is particularly pertinent given that the vast majority of research to date in the UK has been on economic migrants in London, the East and the South East. Consequently the article focuses on the role of A8 migrants in contributing towards regional economic objectives. It is highlighted that a number of issues appear to be impacting upon the most `effective' use of skilled A8 migrant labour in the North West, including (1) recruitment and selection procedures by employers and foreign recruitment agencies and (2) language barriers and access to relevant information/support services. The implications for regional and local policies are subsequently discussed.