Suchergebnisse

Road pricing is not a new concept - toll roads have existed in Australia since Governor Macquarie established one from Sydney to Parramatta in 1811 - and distance-based charging schemes have been trialled and implemented with varying success overseas. But how would full market reform of roads look in a federation like Australia? In its responses to the 2016 Australian Infrastructure Plan and the 2015 Competition Policy Review, the Australian Government explicitly supported investigating cost-reflective road pricing as a long-term reform option, and has committed to establishing a study chaired by an eminent Australian to look into the potential impacts of road pricing reform on road users. The challenges we face in this space are manifold and complex, and we still have a long road ahead of us. However, with advocacy for reform coming from interest groups as diverse as governments, private transport companies, peak industry bodies, policy think tanks and state motoring clubs, there is now more support than ever before for changing the way we provide for and fund our roads. This book seeks to advance the road reform agenda by presenting some of the latest thinking on road pricing and provision from a variety of disciplinary approaches - researchers, economists and public sector leaders. It stresses the need for reform to ensure Australians can enjoy the benefits of efficient and sustainable transport infrastructure as our population and major metropolitan cities continue to grow. Traffic congestion is avoidable, but we must act soon. The works presented here all point to the need for change - the expertise and the technology are available, and the various reform options have been mapped out in some detail. It is time for the policy debate to shift to how, rather than if, road reform should progress

AbstractThis paper considers Australia's approach to telecommunications infrastructure from the perspectives of the policy official and the public administration scholar. From the official's perspective, the approach has been successful in stimulating private sector investment in many markets. This has been achieved by promoting open competition and where necessary establishing a government business enterprise as a transitional measure to build and operate a next‐generation National Broadband Network (NBN) to provide high‐speed fixed‐line broadband to all Australian premises by 2020. From the academic perspective, however, the approach reveals the shifting balances between political objectives and market challenges. This paper consists of three main parts. The first is an introduction by a former senior public servant turned public administration scholar. The second is from a policy official and provides an overview of the Australian telecommunications market, starting with some historical context, the deregulation in the 1990s and the privatisation of the former government‐owned telecommunications incumbent, Telstra. The third is from a public administration scholar and provides a short complementary critique of Australia's communications policy. The paper discusses, from different perspectives, the policy settings that have been adopted to support infrastructure competition and investment in the Australian telecommunications market, including the development of the NBN.

Road pricing is not a new concept - toll roads have existed in Australia since Governor Macquarie established one from Sydney to Parramatta in 1811 - and distance-based charging schemes have been trialled and implemented with varying success overseas. But how would full market reform of roads look in a federation like Australia? In its responses to the 2016 Australian Infrastructure Plan and the 2015 Competition Policy Review, the Australian Government explicitly supported investigating cost-reflective road pricing as a long-term reform option, and has committed to establishing a study chaired by an eminent Australian to look into the potential impacts of road pricing reform on road users. The challenges we face in this space are manifold and complex, and we still have a long road ahead of us. However, with advocacy for reform coming from interest groups as diverse as governments, private transport companies, peak industry bodies, policy think tanks and state motoring clubs, there is now more support than ever before for changing the way we provide for and fund our roads. This book seeks to advance the road reform agenda by presenting some of the latest thinking on road pricing and provision from a variety of disciplinary approaches - researchers, economists and public sector leaders. It stresses the need for reform to ensure Australians can enjoy the benefits of efficient and sustainable transport infrastructure as our population and major metropolitan cities continue to grow. Traffic congestion is avoidable, but we must act soon. The works presented here all point to the need for change - the expertise and the technology are available, and the various reform options have been mapped out in some detail. It is time for the policy debate to shift to how, rather than if, road reform should progress.

Les nombreuses analyses de l'élection de 1911 n'ont encore produit aucune explication satisfaisante de l'événement. Cet article, grâce à des données du recensement, des résultats électoraux et des techniques économétriques, teste les interprétations des partis politiques ainsi que les interprétations économiques et sociologiques du revirement électoral de 1908–1911. Bien que d'ordinaire on semble attribuer un rôle dominant au sentiment impérial d'alors, notre analyse montre que ce sont les facteurs économiques, au Canada anglais du moins, qui prédisent le mieux le succès des conservateurs. De plus, le bloc économique le plus distinct est celui des fermiers, éventuels gagnants dans le cadre de l'Entente de la Réciprocité. Les employés du secteur manufacturier qui, selon l'argument habituel, auraient dû former le groupe économique le plus distinct, ne se singularise pas. L'affiliation religieuse influença la revirement électoral de 1908–1911 mais faiblement. On remarque aussi l'existence d'une relation entre le parti au pouvoir dans une province et le déplacement électoral. En bref, la preuve suggère que par suite de défection socialement non structurée, les libéraux étaient condamnés depuis le début à perdre l'élection de 1911. L'Entente sur la Réciprocité leura peut-être évité plus de pertes qu'elle ne leur en a causées.

"This book provides a timely, critical, and thought-provoking analysis of the implications of the disruption of COVID-19 to the foreign aid and development system, and the extent to which the system is retaining a level of relevance, legitimacy or coherence. Drawing on the expertise of key scholars from around the world in the fields of international development, political science, socioeconomics, history, and international relations, the book explores the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on development aid within an environment of shifting national and regional priorities and interactions. The response is specifically focused on the interrelated themes of political analysis and soft power, the legitimation crisis, poverty, inequality, foreign aid, and the disruption and re-making of the world order. The book argues that complex and multidirectional linkages between politics, economics, society, and the environment are driving changes in the extant development aid system. COVID-19 and Foreign Aid provides a range of critical reflections to shifts in the world order, the rise of nationalism, the strange non-death of neoliberalism, shifts in globalisation, and the evolving impact of COVID as a cross-cutting crisis in the development aid system. This book will be of interest to researchers and students in the field of health and development studies, decision-makers at government level as well as to those working in or consulting to international aid institutions, regional and bilateral aid agencies, and non-governmental organisations"--