Suchergebnisse

sing representative probabilistic samples of Portuguese citizens and framed by an intergroup perspective, we carried out two studies aiming to address how national identification and belief in a just world (BJW) jointly predict secondary victimization of an ingroup as a whole (specifically ingroup blame). We conducted Study 1 (N = 779) in 2014, at the height of the European austerity policies imposed on Portugal by an institutional outgroup, specifically the Troika (the European Union, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund). Study 2 (N = 1140) was conducted after the Troika intervention. An environment of ongoing ingroup suffering caused by an outgroup is more threatening for the BJW of individuals who are more identified with the ingroup. We therefore predicted and found that BJW was positively associated with ingroup blame in participants higher in national identification when the victimization provoked by an institutional outgroup was higher (Study 1). However, when the suffering caused by the outgroup decreased, the association between BJW and secondary victimization was not moderated by individuals' national identification (Study 2). Indeed, a three-way interaction was found between BJW, national identification, and social context (high vs. low victimization). These results are an important contribution for the literature about justice motivation in terms of intergroup relations, because they show that secondary victimization produced by a threat to BJW has a group-based identity function. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This study examines individual and family predictors of different self‐destructive patterns—only suicidal ideation, only nonsuicidal self‐injury (NSSI), or suicide attempts (that may also include both suicide ideation (SI) and NSSI)—in a sample of outpatient adolescents (N = 42; 86% females) with mean age of 16 years (SD = 1.86). Results indicated that there are differences in youngsters with self‐destructive behaviors in their perception of paternal rejection and maternal control, when compared with youngsters reporting only SI. Adolescents from the groups with self‐destructive behaviors differ only in age. Together, these data highlight the relevance of adopting an ecosystemic perspective, which includes both the patients and their families, regarding treatment and prevention of self‐destructive symptomatic frames.

Belief systems are core organizing factors of social attitudes and behaviors, and their study has highlighted the role of conservatism as a contributing mechanism in mitigating concerns associated with change avoidance, as well as the reduction of uncertainty and ambiguity in life. Moreover, these aspects seem to be consistently used as powerful tools in the political and social discourse of the far-right. Life and death ethics are an example of issues that deal with the need for stability and control over personal and social life that people endorsing conservative values seek to attain. There is a rich line of studies on the individual and social explanatory factors of political conservatism, but less attention has been dedicated to moral conservatism as an autonomous and meaningful concept. The current research follows a multilevel approach to disentangle the individual and contextual correlates of conservative attitudes toward life and death. Thus, besides looking at the influence of individual choices related to religion and political orientation, this study also seeks to analyse the impact of the context, introducing in the model variables measuring economic performance, social and gender inequality, religious diversity and the prevalence of materialism and post-materialism values. Multilevel models using data from the 34 countries that participated in the last wave of the European Values Study (2017–2020), revealed an association between far-right orientation and conservative attitudes toward life and death, and that this relationship is moderated by materialism/post-materialism values, economic performance, and social inequality. Our findings reinforce the role of democracy as an environment where freedom of choice and thought are indisputable rights, cherished by most of the populations, regardless of their political position or their stance on moral issues.

Do attitudes towards the welfare state change in response to economic crises? Addressing this question is sometimes difficult because of the lack of longitudinal data. This article deals with this empirical challenge using survey data from the 2008 European Social Survey and from our own follow-up survey of Spring 2013 to track welfare attitudes at the brink and at the peak of the socio-economic crisis in one of the hardest hit countries: Portugal. The literature on social policy preferences predicts an increased polarisation in opinions towards the welfare state between different groups within society – in particular between labour market insiders and outsiders. However, the prediction has scarcely been tested empirically. A notoriously dualised country, Portugal provides a critical setting in which to test this hypothesis. The results show attitudinal change, and this varies according to labour market vulnerability. However, we observe no polarisation and advance alternative explanations for why this is so.

A confiança institucional é um pilar fundamental para a legitimidade e estabilidade de um regime democrático. No entanto, é importante monitorar as variações dessa confiança, especialmente em momentos de conjunturas políticas críticas, que podem gerar consequências significativas. A compreensão desse fenômeno é essencial para o desenvolvimento de estratégias de fortalecimento institucional e para a manutenção de um ambiente democrático saudável e estável. O presente artigo abordou essa questão identificando as variações na confiança institucional durante o período entre 2018 e 2019, um momento crucial na história recente do Brasil, marcado pela ascensão ao poder de um presidente extremamente conservador nos costumes e com discursos antidemocráticos. Participaram 381 universitários respondendo a um questionário sobre confiança institucional durante esses anos. Os resultados revelaram um baixo nível de confiança, especialmente nas instituições democráticas. Além disso, observou-se um aumento na confiança em instituições coercitivas durante o novo governo. Discutimos os limites e alcances desses resultados no contexto de uma crise institucional e da ameaça à jovem democracia brasileira, que possui um histórico de rupturas institucionais.

Objective: To describe the role of the family in opting for vasectomy, the period of professional counseling and outcomes before the procedure from the perspective of adult men. Method: Descriptive and exploratory qualitative research approach. Data were collected in August 2013, through interviews, along with 13 men who had undergone surgical sterilization for at least six months in a city in the Paraná. Results: family represented the deciding factor for the choice men before the surgery because it was described as emotional support. Although the nurse did not attend the counseling process for performing vasectomy, surgical procedure and its results were described as satisfactory. Conclusion: nurses need to participate more actively in counseling to men who seek health services to perform the vasectomy and the family should be included in this process to provide support for male decision.