Suchergebnisse

The acts of violence registered in northern Paraguay since 2008, attributed to an alleged guerrilla organization known as the "Army of the Paraguayan People", which is identified with the acronym "EPP", have been reported in a hegemonic way from the perspective of from the official version amplified by the mainstream media. In more than a decade of armed violence, there have been some episodes that have configured the appearance of crises that made possible the irruption in the public debate of voices that were marginalized in all these years from the official account and from the reflections of conservative and progressive analysts, even of certain referents of Human Rights organizations. Those dissident voices, of peasant and indigenous inhabitants of the Paraguayan north, distance themselves from the violence of the "EPP". They do it without hiding in anonymity, with an open face. All this calls into question the assertions that ensure the existence of the population's involvement with the "insurgent group" and the supposed silence that is called upon to avoid reprisals from a "guerrilla" that it actually rejects, which also makes it unfeasible the political support that every insurgency requires to achieve its objectives. ; Los hechos de violencia registrados en el norte paraguayo desde el año 2008, atribuidos a una supuesta organización guerrillera conocida como "Ejército del Pueblo Paraguayo", a la que se identifica con la sigla "EPP", han sido relatados de manera hegemónica desde la perspectiva de la versión oficial amplificada por los grandes medios de comunicación. En un más de una década de violencia armada se han registrado algunos episodios que han configurado la aparición de crisis que posibilitaron la irrupción en el debate público de voces que fueron marginadas en todos estos años del relato oficial y de las reflexiones de analistas conservadores y progresistas, incluso de ciertos referentes de organizaciones de Derechos Humanos. Esas voces disidentes, de pobladores campesinos e indígenas del norte paraguayo, se desmarcan de la violencia del "EPP". Lo hacen sin esconderse en el anonimato, a cara descubierta. Todo esto coloca en entredicho las afirmaciones que aseguran la existencia del involucramiento de la población con el "grupo insurgente" y el supuesto silencio al que se llama para evitar represalias de una "guerrilla" a la que en realidad rechaza, lo que además hace inviable el apoyo político que toda insurgencia requiere para alcanzar sus objetivos.

In 1886, the Portuguese government signed a public-private partnership with a private company to build and operate a railway between Luanda and Ambaca in its overseas colony of Angola. It was expected that the partnership would benefit both parties: it would provide Angola with a powerful tool of economic development and political appropriation, and it would pay the private investment (stockholders and bondholders). However, the enterprise soon became a financial disaster with soaring construction costs and feeble operational revenues, which forced the Portuguese state to intervene. In this paper, I will analyse the evolution of the Ambaca public-private partnership from a quantitative perspective, examining the figures of its financing, operation and state aid. I will add to the debate about the relationship between state and private initiatives, through public-private partnerships in the specific context of the scramble for Africa and New Imperialism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. ; En 1886, el gobierno portugués estableció un consorcio público-privado con una empresa privada para construir y operar un ferrocarril entre Luanda y Ambaca en su colonia ultramarina de Angola. Se esperaba que la asociación beneficiara a ambas partes: proporcionaría a Angola una poderosa herramienta de desarrollo económico y apropiación política y pagaría la inversión privada (accionistas y tenedores de bonos). Sin embargo, pronto la empresa se convirtió en un desastre financiero con altos costos de construcción e ingresos operacionales débiles, lo que obligó al Estado portugués a intervenir. En este documento, analizaré la evolución del consorcio público-privado de Ambaca desde una perspectiva cuantitativa, examinando las cifras de su financiamiento, operación y ayuda estatal. Me sumaré al debate sobre la relación entre el Estado y la iniciativa privada, a través de asociaciones público-privadas en el contexto específico del «scramble for Africa» y del Nuevo Imperialismo de finales del siglo xix y principios del XX.

In the nineteenth century, Portugal undertook a public works programme, spearheaded by railways, seeking the modernisation of the country. In this paper, I use the approach of technopolitics to study how the implementation of railways in Portugal influenced Portuguese politics and vice-versa. I analyse the interactions between engineers, policymakers, and local caciques, their associations in technopolitical regimes, in different arenas: the parliament, assemblies of experts, inauguration ceremonies, and the media (illustrated press that republished photographs). I show that railways became a powerful tool to pursue other objectives than those originally envisaged by its promoters, namely political goals related with governance, extension of the influence of central government to the periphery, and socio-political affirmation of the engineers. Sources include parliamentary debates, engineering journals, illustrated newspapers, and photography. I aim to contribute to the debate about the relationship between the technological implementation and politics, including rhetoric, material, and iconographic practices.

AbstractIn 1850, after three decades of political turmoil, Portugal started investing in major public works, particularly, in the construction of a national railway network. This strategy followed closely the suggestions of the Saint-Simonian technocrats with whom Portuguese engineers had been engaging since the 1820s. Additionally, it came in response to the longtime neglect suffered by the Portuguese transportation system, which hindered communications and trade between different areas of the kingdom and with neighboring Spain. The main goal of the investment was to modernize the national transport system, attract to Portuguese harbors a large portion of the traffic between Europe, Africa, and America, and, in general terms, put the nation on the path of progress. By the end of the nineteenth century, total mileage of the Portuguese rail network exceeded 2,300 km. This article analyzes the role of railways in the improvement of communications between the Portuguese provinces, their appropriation in a unified nation-state, the degree of integration of the Portuguese economy with the Spanish and European economies, and the construction/reinvention of Portugal as a modern and technological nation. To achieve these goals, I will use three key concepts: territorial appropriation, circulation, and globalization. Sources include statistics of railway operation and previous works analyzing the impact of railways on the Portuguese transport system and economy, the outcomes of operating transnational lines, and the importance of technology for the reinvention of Portugal during the second half of the nineteenth century.

In the second half of the nineteenth century, Portugal built the main branches of its railway system. In this paper, I will use technical and military reports, parliamentary debates and sundry bibliography to analyse the influence of the different stakeholders. I investigated the expectations, priorities and agendas of engineers, army officers, policymakers and lobbyists in the design of the Portuguese railway network. I argue that historiography about Portuguese railways usually considers the rationale behind their discussion as entirely technological and focuses mainly on their outputs, taking railways for granted, or black-boxed. However, the planification of large transportation systems depends on the sociotechnical context and on hierarchies of power of their time. I will show that experts (mostly engineers) played a decisive role in the planning of the network, but a large part of its design was due to non-technical issues, including political machinations, budgetary constraints and corporative lobbying. ; authorsversion ; published

decree-law 57/2016 law 57/2017 ; In the second half of the nineteenth century, Portugal undertook in its mainland and colonial territories an ambitious modernising programme based on technoscientific grounds. From the late 1870s onwards, such programme was widely advertised in Occidente, the most important illustrated journal of the time that published several drawings of original photographs. In this paper, I will analyse the imagery based on authentic photography related to technoscientific activities in Portugal and its colonies, using a methodology that combines semiotics with photojournalistic analysis. I claim that Occidente, by publishing drawings of photos, was crucial to create an image of Portugal as a modern, technoscientific, and imperial nation, before the development of halftone printing and photojournalism. ; publishersversion ; published

legal umbrella provided by decree-law 57/2016 and law 57/2017), through CIUHCT (UID/HIS/00286). ; In 1886, the Portuguese government signed a public-private partnership with a private company to build and operate a railway between Luanda and Ambaca in its overseas colony of Angola. It was expected that the partnership would benefit both parties: It would provide Angola with a powerful tool of economic development and political appropriation, and it would pay the private investment (stockholders and bondholders). However, the enterprise soon became a financial disaster with soaring construction costs and feeble operational revenues, which forced the Portuguese state to intervene. In this paper, I will analyse the evolution of the Ambaca public-private partnership from a quantitative perspective, examining the figures of its financing, operation and state aid. I will add to the debate about the relationship between state and private initiatives, through public-private partnerships in the specific context of the scramble for Africa and New Imperialism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. ; publishersversion ; published

Fire it is a natural element of the ecosystems, but with social and economical negative impacts. To analyse fire impacts on the landscape, Geostatistical and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) techniques are often used. In this work we aim to identify with the mentioned tools, the spatial correlation and pattern of fire occurrences in Portugal and in Natura 2000 areas during the years of 2010 and 2011. The results showed that the number of fires was high in 2011, but the burned area was high in 2010. The spatial correlation and pattern were different and in 2010, the fires were more concentrated in the northwest part of Portugal, meanwhile in 2011, were majority observed in the north and more distributed across the territory. During the studied years, fire affected especially the Nature 2000 areas located in the north of Portugal. In the global context, the number of fires and burned area were not significant in Natura 2000 areas. However, in the surroundings of these areas, there is a high fire activity, that if carried out during the summer season and criminally, can represent a serious threat to nature management and conservation.

PurposeOur study aims to evaluate the impact of infrastructure and public investment on private investment in machinery and equipment in Brazil from 1947 to 2017. The contribution of our article to the existing literature lies in providing a more comprehensive understanding of the presence or absence of the crowding effect in the Brazilian economy by leveraging an extensive historical database. Our central argument posits that the recent decline in private capital accumulation over the last few decades can be attributed to shifts in economic policies – moving from a developmentalist orientation to nondevelopmental guidance since the early 1990s, which is reflected in the diminished levels of public investment and infrastructure since the 1980s.Design/methodology/approachWe conducted a series of econometric regressions utilizing the autoregressive distributed lag (ARDL) model as our chosen econometric methodology.FindingsEmploying two different variables to measure public investment and infrastructure, our results – robust across various specifications – have substantiated the existence of a crowding-in effect in Brazil over the examined period. Thus, we have empirical evidence indicating that the state has influenced private capital accumulation in the Brazilian economy over the past decades.Originality/valueOur article contributes to the existing literature by offering a more comprehensive understanding of the crowding effect in the Brazilian economy, utilizing an extensive historical database.