Suchergebnisse

The initiatives related to the Pan-European, later TEN-T, and, finally, Core Network Corridors, are considered the first instrument for territorial cohesion in Europe - even before spatial development policies. Therefore, their significance in connecting various territories across Europe is indisputable. However, putting aside the material benefits, true European integration is not possible without efficient cooperation and coordination. This is particularly true for territories with various past histories, identities and planning cultures: the Orient/East-Med Corridor is a distinctive example of such differences. After presenting the two main principles of territorial integration in Europe - supranationalism and intergovernmentalism, as well as their limitations, the concept of multi-level governance is elucidated. Multi-level governance, i. e. a simultaneous activation of both governmental and non-governmental actors at various jurisdictional levels, comprises two ideal types of institutions: general-purpose political institutions and single-purpose functional jurisdictions. Transnational territories are certainly affected by both types and thus the main question relates to the dynamics and mobilization of institutional and non-institutional actors, rather than revolving solely around strong hierarchy (e. g. between the administrative levels of nation states) or overlapping sectoral/functional entities (in certain domains at the transnational level). However, various types of cooperation are suitable for various administrative and territorial levels. Therefore, the central part of this paper shows forms of intersectoral and interdisciplinary cooperation, particularly elucidating the role of the following levels: transnational, cross-border and local. This is done by clarifying the main principles of multi-level governance relevant for different levels, illustrated with examples of various cooperation forms perceived along the Orient/East-Med Corridor. The paper concludes that only a more intensive interaction among various disciplines and sectors can contribute to the sustainability of transport practices, enhancing territorial cohesion at the same time. ; Die Initiativen im Zusammenhang mit den paneuropäischen, später TEN-T und schließlich den Kernnetzkorridoren gelten als wesentliche Instrumente für den territorialen Zusammenhalt in Europa - noch vor der Raumentwicklungspolitik. Ihre Bedeutung für die länderübergreifenden Verbindungen in Europa sind unumstritten. Wenn man die grundsätzlichen materiellen Vorteile außer Acht lässt, ist eine echte europäische Integration ohne eine effiziente Zusammenarbeit und Koordination nicht möglich. Dies gilt insbesondere für Gebiete mit unterschiedlicher Geschichte, verschiedenen Identitäten und Planungskulturen: Der Orient/East-Med Corridor ist ein markantes Beispiel hierfür. Nach der Vorstellung der beiden wichtigsten Prinzipien der territorialen Integration in Europa - Supranationalismus und Zwischenstaatlichkeit - sowie ihrer Grenzen wird das Konzept der Multi-Level-Governance erläutert. Multi-Level-Governance, d. h. die gleichzeitige Beteiligung von staatlichen und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren auf verschiedenen Zuständigkeitsebenen, umfasst zwei ideale Arten von Institutionen: allgemeine politische Institutionen und funktionale themenbezogene Zuständigkeiten. Transnationale Gebietskörperschaften sind sicherlich von beiden Typen betroffen und so bezieht sich die Hauptfrage auf die Dynamik und Mobilisierung institutioneller und nicht-institutioneller Akteure, anstatt sich ausschließlich um eine starke Hierarchie (z. B. zwischen den Verwaltungsebenen von Nationalstaaten) oder überlappende sektorale/ funktionale Einheiten (in bestimmten Bereichen auf der transnationalen Ebene) zu drehen. Verschiedene Formen der Zusammenarbeit eignen sich jedoch für verschiedene Verwaltungs- und Gebietsebenen. Daher fokussiert dieser Beitrag auf Formen der sektorübergreifenden und interdisziplinären Zusammenarbeit, insbesondere auf die Rollen der transnationalen, grenzüberschreitenden und lokalen Ebenen. Hierzu werden die Grundprinzipien der Multi-Level-Governance ins Zentrum gerückt, die für die verschiedenen Ebenen relevant sind und durch Beispiele für verschiedene Kooperationsformen hinterlegt werden, die entlang des Orient/East-Med Corridors ersichtlich werden. Der Beitrag kommt zu dem Schluss, dass nur eine intensivere Interaktion zwischen verschiedenen Disziplinen und Sektoren zu nachhaltigeren Verkehrsstrategien beitragen und gleichzeitig den territorialen Zusammenhalt fördern kann.

The initiatives related to the Pan-European, later TEN-T, and, finally, Core Network Corridors, are considered the first instrument for territorial cohesion in Europe – even before spatial development policies. Therefore, their significance in connecting various territories across Europe is indisputable. However, putting aside the material benefits, true European integration is not possible without efficient cooperation and coordination. This is particularly true for territories with various past histories, identities and planning cultures: the Orient/East-Med Corridor is a distinctive example of such differences. After presenting the two main principles of territorial integration in Europe – supranationalism and intergovernmentalism, as well as their limitations, the concept of multi-level governance is elucidated. Multi-level governance, i. e. a simultaneous activation of both governmental and non-governmental actors at various jurisdictional levels, comprises two ideal types of institutions: general-purpose political institutions and single-purpose functional jurisdictions. Transnational territories are certainly affected by both types and thus the main question relates to the dynamics and mobilization of institutional and non-institutional actors, rather than revolving solely around strong hierarchy (e. g. between the administrative levels of nation states) or overlapping sectoral/functional entities (in certain domains at the transnational level). However, various types of cooperation are suitable for various administrative and territorial levels. Therefore, the central part of this paper shows forms of intersectoral and interdisciplinary cooperation, particularly elucidating the role of the following levels: transnational, cross-border and local. This is done by clarifying the main principles of multi-level governance relevant for different levels, illustrated with examples of various cooperation forms perceived along the Orient/East-Med Corridor. The paper concludes that only a more intensive interaction among various disciplines and sectors can contribute to the sustainability of transport practices, enhancing territorial cohesion at the same time.

The topic of brownfield regeneration has been the focus of planning debate for years. However, the aspect of institutional cooperation and strengthening the institutional capacity in order to cope with a complex task of brownfield regeneration is considered a challenge. This is particularly true for the post-socialist countries and, hence, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Serbia are chosen as the case studies of this research. By implementing a concise survey of both the institutions and policies related to the topic of brownfield regeneration in the selected countries, the research aims at determining the form, extent and nature of collaboration between different sectors, disciplines, and institutions. Based on such insights, it is finally possible to provide the recommendations for more effective institutional design within specific political and socio-economic context.

The topic of brownfield regeneration has been the focus of planning debate for years. However, the aspect of institutional cooperation and strengthening the institutional capacity in order to cope with a complex task of brownfield regeneration is considered a challenge. This is particularly true for the post-socialist countries and, hence, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Serbia are chosen as the case studies of this research. By implementing a concise survey of both the institutions and policies related to the topic of brownfield regeneration in the selected countries, the research aims at determining the form, extent and nature of collaboration between different sectors, disciplines, and institutions. Based on such insights, it is finally possible to provide the recommendations for more effective institutional design within specific political and socio-economic context.

Since one of the most effective ways of strengthening the implementation the green infrastructure principle is through spatial planning, the paper aims at presenting the overview of the contemporary policies in the domain of environment and planning. After a brief overview of European and regional (i.e. Western Balkan) documents in the field, the central part of the paper elucidates the extent to which the concept of green infrastructure is elaborated in Serbian legislative framework.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the countries of central and eastern Europe were eager to reshape their societies both in terms of transforming the social system and upgrading the physical environment. The European transport network policies were considered an appropriate instrument for the latter. More importantly, the transport policies highly affected spatial development as they preceded the first European spatial policies. As Serbia suffered from internal social and political problems, it was excluded from the support offered to the European Union Member States. However, due to the geopolitical importance of the Western Balkans, the entire region has become an interesting target for investments from Russia, China, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates. In extreme need of an economic upturn, the Western Balkan states are usually forced to accept the conditions of foreign investors, no matter what the consequences for society and space. An example that illustrates such ad-hoc political decisions is the Belgrade Waterfront project, which is growing on an 90-ha area, including the recently closed railway station and its shunting yard. As spatial planners and other relevant experts are considered too weak to oppose the political regime, and as the only true critics of the project came from citizen organizations, the paper highlights the role of the civil sector, considering it a tool for transforming the spatial planning approach of a transitional society. Critical analysis of both the regulatory and institutional framework of spatial planning in Serbia indicates a paradox: on the one hand, formal documents highlighting the need for and the role of the civil sector exist, but they are not implemented in spatial planning practice; on the other hand, the mechanisms for active participation have already been developed by the civil sector, however, the institutional framework necessary for formalizing these informal instruments is missing. Solving this issue is a small step towards the progress of Serbian spatial governance, still in transition. ; Nach dem Fall der Berliner Mauer waren die mittel- und osteuropäischen Länder bestrebt, ihre Gesellschaften umzugestalten, sowohl im Hinblick auf die Transformation des Sozialsystems als auch auf die Verbesserung der Lebens- und Umweltbedingungen. Die europäischen Strategien für die Verkehrsnetze wurden in diesem Zusammenhang als geeignetes Instrument angesehen. Noch wichtiger ist, dass die Verkehrspolitik die Raumentwicklung stark beeinflusst hat, da sie der ersten europäischen Raumordnungspolitik vorausging. Da Serbien unter internen sozialen und politischen Schwierigkeiten litt, wurde es von der Unterstützung ausgeschlossen, die den Mitgliedstaaten der Europäischen Union gewährt wurde. Aufgrund der geopolitischen Bedeutung des Westbalkans ist die gesamte Region jedoch zu einem interessanten Investitionsstandort für Russland, China, die Türkei und die Vereinigten Arabischen Emirate geworden. Die westlichen Balkanstaaten, die einen wirtschaftlichen Aufschwung dringend benötigen, sind in der Regel gezwungen, die Bedingungen ausländischer Investoren zu akzeptieren, unabhängig von den Folgen für Gesellschaft und Raum. Ein Beispiel für solche politischen Ad-hoc-Entscheidungen ist das auf einer Fläche von 90 Hektar entstehende Projekt Belgrade Waterfront, einschließlich des kürzlich geschlossenen zentralen Bahnhofs und seines Rangierbahnhofs. Da Raumplaner und andere einschlägige Experten als nicht in der Lage angesehen werden, sich dem politischen System zu widersetzen, und da die einzig relevante Kritik zum Projekt von Bürgerorganisationen kam, stellt der Beitrag die Rolle des Zivilsektors heraus und betrachtet ihn als ein Instrument zur Transformation des Raumplanungsansatzes einer Übergangsgesellschaft. Die kritische Analyse sowohl des regulatorischen als auch des institutionellen Rahmens der Raumordnung in Serbien deutet auf ein Paradoxon hin: Einerseits gibt es formelle Dokumente, die die Notwendigkeit und die Rolle des zivilen Sektors hervorheben, die aber nicht in der Raumordnungspraxis umgesetzt werden. Andererseits wurden die Verfahren der aktiven Beteiligung bereits vom zivilen Sektor entwickelt, jedoch fehlt der für die Etablierung dieser informellen Instrumente notwendige institutionelle Rahmen. Sich dieses Problems zu widmen, ist ein kleiner Schritt zur Förderung der serbischen Raumordnung, die sich noch im Übergang befindet.

After the fall of the Berlin Wall, the countries of central and eastern Europe were eager to reshape their societies both in terms of transforming the social system and upgrading the physical environment. The European transport network policies were considered an appropriate instrument for the latter. More importantly, the transport policies highly affected spatial development as they preceded the first European spatial policies. As Serbia suffered from internal social and political problems, it was excluded from the support offered to the European Union Member States. However, due to the geopolitical importance of the Western Balkans, the entire region has become an interesting target for investments from Russia, China, Turkey and the United Arab Emirates. In extreme need of an economic upturn, the Western Balkan states are usually forced to accept the conditions of foreign investors, no matter what the consequences for society and space. An example that illustrates such ad-hoc political decisions is the Belgrade Waterfront project, which is growing on an 90-ha area, including the recently closed railway station and its shunting yard. As spatial planners and other relevant experts are considered too weak to oppose the political regime, and as the only true critics of the project came from citizen organizations, the paper highlights the role of the civil sector, considering it a tool for transforming the spatial planning approach of a transitional society. Critical analysis of both the regulatory and institutional framework of spatial planning in Serbia indicates a paradox: on the one hand, formal documents highlighting the need for and the role of the civil sector exist, but they are not implemented in spatial planning practice; on the other hand, the mechanisms for active participation have already been developed by the civil sector, however, the institutional framework necessary for formalizing these informal instruments is missing. Solving this issue is a small step towards the progress of Serbian spatial governance, still in transition.

In planning, the deliberative process is most commonly present in the form of a structured public discussion. The main idea behind such an approach is to improve communication among different participants by informing them about a local problem before any stakeholders' preference is adopted, agreement reached and, finally, the problem solved. With the help of a mediator, an independent third party, the participants are considered equal, rational and free to give their opinion. Such a deliberative approach is an integral part of most planning procedures in developed countries. However, the enhancement of the planning process in the post-socialist context is delayed due to institutional rigidities, public mistrust towards the initiators of spatial development, and the lack of mediation procedures in the planning process. Previous features are also specific to Serbia, as a transitional state, which, nevertheless, experienced a somewhat different social context in comparison to other Eastern Bloc countries during the second half of the previous century. To understand the contemporary situation better, the paper provides an overview of spatial and urban planning in Serbia since the Second World War, observed from the deliberative stand, in an attempt to define the basic guidelines for the transformation of the planning approach in Serbia.

The general objective of this study is to present the existing institutional framework of brownfield regeneration in Serbia. However, as the research proceeds on the assumption that successful brownfield regeneration requires the active cooperation of different sectors and disciplines, there are several specific research objectives. Firstly, it is important to elucidate the nature of cooperation between the sectors at the same level, but also between different levels of spatial development. Furthermore, it is interesting to examine if there are specific institutions solely responsible for brownfield regeneration. Thus, the focus of the analysis will be directed to the institutional representatives (at different levels of spatial development) − their roles, responsibilities and limitations regarding the problem of brownfield regeneration. Also, documents relating to brownfield regeneration − laws, strategies, plans, concepts and spatial development programmes will be clarified. Proposed analytical strategy will shed light on the degree of integration between different sectors, disciplines and institutions within the same organisational level, tending to determine the extent of the socalled horizontal collaboration. In addition, the analysis elucidates the vertical collaboration between relevant institutions at national, regional and local level. Furthermore, it provides insight into the position of expert agencies within a certain institutional context. Finally, the analysis clarifies the character (formal or informal) of institutional collaboration. Such an extensive analysis of existing institutional framework of brownfield regeneration in Serbia provides guidelines for its improvement in the context of smarth urban growth.

The research subject is the analysis of the possible ways to achieve stakeholder compliance in the brownfield regeneration process. The aim of the paper is to show urban planning mechanisms that are used for the establishment of cooperation between different stakeholders involved in brownfield regeneration. It is important to explain the possible ways of collaboration between different institutions, but also between different sectors (public, private and civil society). In the very beginning of the paper, the current trends in the brownfield regeneration are shown, both in developed and post-socialist countries. However, the rest of the text relates to the topic of brownfield regeneration in Central European states. Precisely, the overview of the institutional aspect of brownfield regeneration within the planning system in the Czech Republic and Hungary is indicated. The determination of the responsible institutions for the brownfield regeneration process is of particular importance. Also, it is significant to examine if the collaboration is prescribed by the main laws in the field of spatial planning or not. However, the focus of research concerns the collaborative procedures to achieve the successful regeneration of brownfields. Those results stem from the analysis of the brownfield sites examples. Namely, the first example relates to the regeneration of military complex in the Czech town of Uherske Hradiste, while the second case indicates the regeneration of unhygienic settlement in Budapest. The final section of the paper systemizes the experiences from the developing countries in terms of collaborative procedures in brownfield