Dynamic Finland: the political system and the welfare state
In: Studia Fennica
In: Historica 3
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In: Studia Fennica
In: Historica 3
In: Politiikan tutkimuksia 12
In: Valtiotieteellisen Yhdistyksen julkaisusarja
In: Tidsskrift for samfunnsforskning: TfS = Norwegian journal of social research, Band 45, Heft 2, S. 273-293
ISSN: 1504-291X
In: Scandinavian political studies, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 259-272
ISSN: 1467-9477
In: Scandinavian political studies: SPS ; a journal, Band 17, Heft 3, S. 259
ISSN: 0080-6757
In: Politiikka: Valtiotieteellisen Yhdistyksen julkaisu, Band 33, Heft 2, S. 98
ISSN: 0032-3365
In: Politiikka: Valtiotieteellisen Yhdistyksen julkaisu, Band 23, Heft 3, S. 234-250
ISSN: 0032-3365
In: Scandinavian political studies, Band 12, Heft A12, S. 29-45
ISSN: 1467-9477
In: Italian Political Science Review: IPSR = Rivista italiana di scienza politica : RISP, Band 3, Heft 3, S. 491-519
ISSN: 2057-4908
IntroduzioneIl Parlamento finlandese decise nell'autunno del 1966 di aggiungere al bilancio preventivo dello stato per il 1967 uno stanziamento di dieci milioni di marchi per sostenere le attività dei partiti politici. Lo stanziamento è stato da allora rinnovato annualmente e portato a sedici milioni di marchi nel bilancio per il 1973. Il sistema del finanziamento pubblico fu costituito nonostante alcune avversità. L'idea di fornire un sostegno statale ai partiti politici era decisamente impopolare e i membri del Parlamento erano consci di questa impopolarità; nel bilancio che concedeva il denaro per il 1967 veniva per la prima volta fatta menzione e per la prima volta venivano riconosciuti i partiti politici nella legislazione finlandese e la decisione finale venne presa in modo inconsueto, come conseguenza di un progetto fiscale, preparato in segreto da un deputato, senza previa inclusione nel bilancio preventivo del governo.
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 1, Heft 2, S. 109-132
ISSN: 1475-6765
ABSTRACTRecent research on political dimensions in the Scandinavian party systems at five non‐electorate "levels" of dimensional analysis (content analysis of party programs, content analysis of expressions of party stances on current issues, positions taken by the parliamentary parties as behaving units, roll call analysis and interviews of individual legislators, and interviews with leaders and members of party organizations) justify the rejection of the unidimensional spatial model of party competition. Data on the social structure, attitudes and opinions, and voting behavior of the supporters of different parties provide indirect information about the dimensions of political cleavage. More directly, the "perceived party dimensions" can be concluded from aggregates of individual assessments for which the parties as such are the stimuli Averaged rank orderings of the parties provide ordinal measures that have been used as inputs for multidimensional scaling techniques.An experiment of measuring the mutual distances of political parties in Finland used percentages of the second and the two last party choices as measures of party distance. A qualitative analysis of the exceptions to regular orderings along the basic left/right dimension suggested the presence of six additional political dimensions: the producers and agriculture/the consumers and urban industries; the established parties/the temporary small parties; recognized and noted centers/the "forgotten people" (populist dimension); Finnish/Swedish; communism/non‐communism; and victorious/losing.Three developments can be envisaged in future dimensional analysis of multiparty systems: comparisons across countries, comparisons between different levels in the political system, and predictions of emerging political changes.
In: Midwest journal of political science: publication of the Midwest Political Science Association, Band 7, Heft 1, S. 54