Suchergebnisse

AbstractMexico's economic relationship with China has intensified substantially in the last decade. Based on an increasing literature on the overall and aggregate relationship, this analysis proposes a detailed examination of the auto parts-automobile chain, which is of utmost importance for both countries and will be significant for understanding the future trade relationship between them. In order to understand the industrial organization of Mexico and China, the article first gives an overview of the international trade and industrial organization patterns. After establishing the characteristics of Mexico's and China's legal framework, production, employment and trade, the analysis concludes with a group of proposals to improve binational co-operation. Both countries – China interested in increasing its export platform based on Chinese parts brands and Mexico supplying parts and components and providing decades of experiences in international networks – can benefit from these suggestions and overcome current tensions.

ABSTRACT Mexican society and economy are at an extremely complex historical crossroads. The Mexican liberalization strategy, as in many other Latin American countries, has privileged macroeconomic aspects, ignoring crucial issues such as savings and domestic investment, growth and employment, among others. The results of this strategy are unsustainable and present several weaknesses, as was evident in the crisis of December 1994. An important aspect of this situation is that the private sector is at the center of the crisis. Only a few economic activities have been able to generate employment opportunities above the minimum necessary for Mexican society. Several time series models demonstrate that GDP growth is fundamental for job creation; however, it is difficult to imagine that it is possible to achieve an annual GDP growth greater than 10%, the level necessary to absorb the growth of the economically active population. To mitigate this situation, a profound reformulation of the liberalization strategy and an explicit job creation policy are suggested.

This article examines the relation between the global debt crisis and the accumulation crisis of the capitalist system, in both peripheral and core countries. In contrast to the 1950s, since the 1970s despite its hegemony the U.S. has been unable to bear the costs of stabilizing the capitalist world market and has taken a selective approach to the solution of the global debt crisis, as the case of Mexico clearly shows. This article argues further that the U.S. attempts to socialize the loan losses of private creditors through the instrumentalization of multilateral agencies and the Brady Initiative, shifting the costs from private creditors and debtors to civil society. However, this strategy has shown few signs of success, and the creditor banks and the indebted countries are far from solving their global contradictions. In Latin America, after the "lost decade" of the 1980s, the possibility of total collapse and pauperization in the 1990s cannot be dismissed.

"Das Abkommen über eine nordamerikanische Freihandelszone (NAFTA) wird vor allem aus mexikanischer Sicht untersucht. Es wird gezeigt, das NAFTA die schon seit Anfang der 80er Jahre eingeleitete neoliberale Politik fortsetzt, nachdem sich die Strategie der importsubstituierenden Industrialisierung als nicht mehr tragfähig herausgestellt hat. NAFTA bringt für Mexiko schwerwiegende Probleme: ökonomische, da die Handelsbilanz defizitär ist; ökologische insbesondere in der Grenzregion zu den USA und soziale wegen der Ausklammerung der legalen und illegalen Arbeitsmigration aus dem Abkommen." (Autorenreferat)

Examines relationship between the debt crisis and the accumulation crisis of the capitalist system, in both peripheral and core countries; emphasis on Latin America. Partial contents: The outbreak of the debt crisis and the "menu options"; Socialization of losses and selective approach toward the periphery: the Brady initiative.