Suchergebnisse

The correspondence between public policies and the will of citizens is acknowledged with not much of doubt as the ideal and the main principle of the representative demo­cracy. However, the question remains how the attitudes of citizens are formed. One of the possible explanations is grounded on the idea of cognitive shortcuts and speci­fically on recently neglected idea of cognitive schemata: people are using cognitive schemas (or specific mental frameworks, structures of knowledge) in the situations where their opinion (even on certain previously unconsidered question) is needed. Schemas are used as the mechanisms which empower people to form opinion on policy issues. Findings from Western countries indicate political ideologies as the main cogni­tive schemas which help to form opinions in political field. In post-soviet countries such as Lithuania, however, such importance of ideology could be debated because of the low stability of party system, high volatility of citizens' electoral preferences and prevailing overall absence of the consistent ideological sets of peoples' attitudes. In this paper, first results of the empirical research on latent structures forming the opinions on policy issues in Lithuania are presented. The revised schema theory is used as the theoretical background for the analysis of citizens' attitudes on two policy issues: introduction of progressive taxes and prohibition of abortion. By employing the method of semi-structured interviews eight cognitive schemas (four in each of the two fields) are found. In the sphere of the informants' views on progressive taxes introduction, these schemas concentrates on the categories of social justice (attitude on the progressive tax issue is formed relying on concepts of solidarity, society's responsibility and re­lative importance of the earnings' size in the different income levels), "meritocratic" justice (attitude is formed through the logic of perceived injustice when harming with the progressive taxes people, who achieved more because of their successful efforts), equality-based justice (main principle held according to which the attitude is formed is simple equal hurts for all) and rational evaluation of policy efficiency (attitude is formed during some cost-benefit analysis of the proposed policy; the position on issue is positive if such concepts as mollification of public sphere prevails during the for­mation of attitude and negative if efficiency is measured through the capital outflow and citizens' frauds while collecting taxes). The position on the abolition of abortion meanwhile is formed using such cognitive structures, which are either same rational evaluation of policy efficiency schema (position is grounded in cost-benefit analysis based on illegal and health endangering operations, social integration of abandoned children, shrinking population), or schemas, in their central categories corresponding to belief-structures such as catholic worldview (position is openly based on strict do­gmas), humanism (in terms of emphasized value of human life itself, on which policy preference is based) or individualism (central are concepts of individual choice and right of decision). As it could be seen, two superschemas can be defined (ignoring the level of abs­traction though) – one based on loosely called moral principles (different notions of justice and traditional value-loaded belief systems), and one based on rational evalu­ation of efficiency (both of these superstructures are found behind both issues: behind possibly more economic, efficient-related field of progressive taxes, and the traditio­nally more moral-related topic of abortion abolition). This empirical evidence could add to the more normative discussion on blurring lines between different principles marking specific political fields. Hence in this article the logic of arguments which leads to formation of specific positions on two policy issues in Lithuania is explored. Although this pilot research lacks representativeness and final list of cognitive schemas possible, it still not only registers main arguments on two issues, but also adds to deeper knowledge of the electorate, possible forecasts of political attitudes and, finally, may strengthen the ground for more meaningful communication between political elite and citizenry. ; Pasitelkiant Lietuvos politikos moksluose dar netaikytą kognityvių schemų konceptą, straipsnyje aiškinamasi, kaip susiformuoja piliečių nuostatos politikos klausimais: pristatomi pirmieji empirinio Lietuvos gyventojų mąstymą apie politiką formuojančių latentinių struktūrų tyrimo rezultatai. Analizuojant pusiau struktūruotų interviu, kuriuose informantai prašomi pagrįsti savo pozicijas dviem aktualiais – progresinių mokesčių įvedimo ir abortų uždraudimo – politikos klausimais, duomenis, aptiktos aštuonios nuostatas minėtais klausimais formuojančios schemos. Straipsnyje aptariami šių schemų dėmenys, struktūros, tarpusavio ryšiai ir pamažu atsiskleidžiantis lietuvių politinio mąstymo peizažas.

The correspondence between public policies and the will of citizens is acknowledged with not much of doubt as the ideal and the main principle of the representative demo­cracy. However, the question remains how the attitudes of citizens are formed. One of the possible explanations is grounded on the idea of cognitive shortcuts and speci­fically on recently neglected idea of cognitive schemata: people are using cognitive schemas (or specific mental frameworks, structures of knowledge) in the situations where their opinion (even on certain previously unconsidered question) is needed. Schemas are used as the mechanisms which empower people to form opinion on policy issues. Findings from Western countries indicate political ideologies as the main cogni­tive schemas which help to form opinions in political field. In post-soviet countries such as Lithuania, however, such importance of ideology could be debated because of the low stability of party system, high volatility of citizens' electoral preferences and prevailing overall absence of the consistent ideological sets of peoples' attitudes. In this paper, first results of the empirical research on latent structures forming the opinions on policy issues in Lithuania are presented. The revised schema theory is used as the theoretical background for the analysis of citizens' attitudes on two policy issues: introduction of progressive taxes and prohibition of abortion. By employing the method of semi-structured interviews eight cognitive schemas (four in each of the two fields) are found. In the sphere of the informants' views on progressive taxes introduction, these schemas concentrates on the categories of social justice (attitude on the progressive tax issue is formed relying on concepts of solidarity, society's responsibility and re­lative importance of the earnings' size in the different income levels), "meritocratic" justice (attitude is formed through the logic of perceived injustice when harming with the progressive taxes people, who achieved more because of their successful efforts), equality-based justice (main principle held according to which the attitude is formed is simple equal hurts for all) and rational evaluation of policy efficiency (attitude is formed during some cost-benefit analysis of the proposed policy; the position on issue is positive if such concepts as mollification of public sphere prevails during the for­mation of attitude and negative if efficiency is measured through the capital outflow and citizens' frauds while collecting taxes). The position on the abolition of abortion meanwhile is formed using such cognitive structures, which are either same rational evaluation of policy efficiency schema (position is grounded in cost-benefit analysis based on illegal and health endangering operations, social integration of abandoned children, shrinking population), or schemas, in their central categories corresponding to belief-structures such as catholic worldview (position is openly based on strict do­gmas), humanism (in terms of emphasized value of human life itself, on which policy preference is based) or individualism (central are concepts of individual choice and right of decision). As it could be seen, two superschemas can be defined (ignoring the level of abs­traction though) – one based on loosely called moral principles (different notions of justice and traditional value-loaded belief systems), and one based on rational evalu­ation of efficiency (both of these superstructures are found behind both issues: behind possibly more economic, efficient-related field of progressive taxes, and the traditio­nally more moral-related topic of abortion abolition). This empirical evidence could add to the more normative discussion on blurring lines between different principles marking specific political fields. Hence in this article the logic of arguments which leads to formation of specific positions on two policy issues in Lithuania is explored. Although this pilot research lacks representativeness and final list of cognitive schemas possible, it still not only registers main arguments on two issues, but also adds to deeper knowledge of the electorate, possible forecasts of political attitudes and, finally, may strengthen the ground for more meaningful communication between political elite and citizenry.

Main goal of the dissertation is to, by analyzing Lithuanian case, explore how attitudes towards political issues develop in a post-communist country where favorable conditions for the ideological thinking do not exist. The arranged approach of the cognitive schema theories is taken as a starting point for developing the research instrument. In the first stage of the empirical research, the method of semi-structured interviews is used to uncover the cognitive schemas that play a vital role in forming the attitudes on two political issues representing, respectively, socioeconomic and moral spheres of politics. These findings are further elaborated in the second round of the research by employing the Q-sort method. It turns out that the development of political attitudes in both political areas is being determined by two main types of cognitive schemas: one based on fundamental virtues, principle beliefs, and the pragmatic schema based on rational evaluation of the policy outcomes' efficiency (both of these schemas are compared and analyzed in detail). It is also explored that the usage of these schemas are coordinated and can be explained by one or another of the five shared social perspectives (or ideological schemas) operating in Lithuania. Conditionally they can be named as perspectives of free self-expression, strong leader, traditional morality, patronizing state and basic rights' assurance. Some of these schemas can be loosely linked to certain "classical" ideologies. But most importantly, they prove that regardless of the unfavorable conditions for ideological thinking in Lithuania, the citizens do think about politics in a meaningful and consistent manner by applying certain shared and personally internalized belief systems.

Main goal of the dissertation is to, by analyzing Lithuanian case, explore how attitudes towards political issues develop in a post-communist country where favorable conditions for the ideological thinking do not exist. The arranged approach of the cognitive schema theories is taken as a starting point for developing the research instrument. In the first stage of the empirical research, the method of semi-structured interviews is used to uncover the cognitive schemas that play a vital role in forming the attitudes on two political issues representing, respectively, socioeconomic and moral spheres of politics. These findings are further elaborated in the second round of the research by employing the Q-sort method. It turns out that the development of political attitudes in both political areas is being determined by two main types of cognitive schemas: one based on fundamental virtues, principle beliefs, and the pragmatic schema based on rational evaluation of the policy outcomes' efficiency (both of these schemas are compared and analyzed in detail). It is also explored that the usage of these schemas are coordinated and can be explained by one or another of the five shared social perspectives (or ideological schemas) operating in Lithuania. Conditionally they can be named as perspectives of free self-expression, strong leader, traditional morality, patronizing state and basic rights' assurance. Some of these schemas can be loosely linked to certain "classical" ideologies. But most importantly, they prove that regardless of the unfavorable conditions for ideological thinking in Lithuania, the citizens do think about politics in a meaningful and consistent manner by applying certain shared and personally internalized belief systems.

Main goal of the dissertation is to, by analyzing Lithuanian case, explore how attitudes towards political issues develop in a post-communist country where favorable conditions for the ideological thinking do not exist. The arranged approach of the cognitive schema theories is taken as a starting point for developing the research instrument. In the first stage of the empirical research, the method of semi-structured interviews is used to uncover the cognitive schemas that play a vital role in forming the attitudes on two political issues representing, respectively, socioeconomic and moral spheres of politics. These findings are further elaborated in the second round of the research by employing the Q-sort method. It turns out that the development of political attitudes in both political areas is being determined by two main types of cognitive schemas: one based on fundamental virtues, principle beliefs, and the pragmatic schema based on rational evaluation of the policy outcomes' efficiency (both of these schemas are compared and analyzed in detail). It is also explored that the usage of these schemas are coordinated and can be explained by one or another of the five shared social perspectives (or ideological schemas) operating in Lithuania. Conditionally they can be named as perspectives of free self-expression, strong leader, traditional morality, patronizing state and basic rights' assurance. Some of these schemas can be loosely linked to certain "classical" ideologies. But most importantly, they prove that regardless of the unfavorable conditions for ideological thinking in Lithuania, the citizens do think about politics in a meaningful and consistent manner by applying certain shared and personally internalized belief systems.

Main goal of the dissertation is to, by analyzing Lithuanian case, explore how attitudes towards political issues develop in a post-communist country where favorable conditions for the ideological thinking do not exist. The arranged approach of the cognitive schema theories is taken as a starting point for developing the research instrument. In the first stage of the empirical research, the method of semi-structured interviews is used to uncover the cognitive schemas that play a vital role in forming the attitudes on two political issues representing, respectively, socioeconomic and moral spheres of politics. These findings are further elaborated in the second round of the research by employing the Q-sort method. It turns out that the development of political attitudes in both political areas is being determined by two main types of cognitive schemas: one based on fundamental virtues, principle beliefs, and the pragmatic schema based on rational evaluation of the policy outcomes' efficiency (both of these schemas are compared and analyzed in detail). It is also explored that the usage of these schemas are coordinated and can be explained by one or another of the five shared social perspectives (or ideological schemas) operating in Lithuania. Conditionally they can be named as perspectives of free self-expression, strong leader, traditional morality, patronizing state and basic rights' assurance. Some of these schemas can be loosely linked to certain "classical" ideologies. But most importantly, they prove that regardless of the unfavorable conditions for ideological thinking in Lithuania, the citizens do think about politics in a meaningful and consistent manner by applying certain shared and personally internalized belief systems.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members. ; Lig šiol atlikti empiriniai tyrimai rodo, jog didžiajai Lietuvos visuomenės daliai ideologinė mąstysena nėra būdinga (politinės nuostatos – nenuoseklios, nesąryšingos1, požiūriai – patys sau prieštaringi). Toks ieškomo ideologinio mąstymo nepopuliarumas labai apsunkina gyventojų politinių pažiūrų bei elgsenos nuspėjimą, meta galimą iššūkį atstovaujamosios demokratijos pagrindams. Tačiau išvada apie bendrą politinės mąstysenos "nenuoseklumą" Lietuvos visuomenėje būtų skubota neįvertinus alternatyvių politinių nuostatų, įsitikinimų sistemų egzistavimo. Kitaip tariant, nuoseklios politinės mąstysenos apraiškų visuomenėje ieškotina keičiant metodologinę prieigą: atsisakant ideologinės mąstysenos, kokios galima tikėtis iš klasikiniųpolitinės minties tekstų, paieškų, ir dėmesį sutelkiant į kitokius nuoseklumus tradicinių ideologijų apibrėžimo lauke. Šiame straipsnyje pristatomi pradiniai tokio tyrimo rezultatai – taikant Q-sort metodą išskirtos trys bendros socialinės perspektyvos, atliekančios politinių ideologijų vaidmenį Lietuvos visuomenėje.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.

Everyday public discourse and empirical researches show that the ideological thinking among the major part of Lithuanian society is practically non-existent (political attitudes are found to be incoherent, and opinions are seemingly self-contradictory). Such unpopularity of ideological thinking makes it difficult to predict the political outlooks and behavior of the public and potentially challenges the foundations of the representative democracy. However, conclusions on the broader political thinking inconsistency in society would be hasty without evaluating the existence of alternative coherent belief systems or systems of political attitudes. In other words, the methodological perspective is worth to be changed: from searching ideological thinking along presupposed strict ideological lines as suggested by the classical political thought, to looking for the possible other consistencies in the same field, other sets of the same political attitudes. In this article, primary results of such research, obtained after applying the Q-sort methodology, are presented, and three shared social perspectives, which operate as certain political ideologies among Lithuanian public, are discussed. The first one, conditionally named free self-expression discourse, centre on the extensive advocacy of free, equally for everybody accessible self-expression idea and a strong opposition to any restrictions of personal freedom and choice. Though economic issues do not play a key role in this perspective, along the ideas of free market competition the priority lies on some "minimum" of care, which the state ought to ensure for its population. The second perspective is based on the perception of the current situation in the state and society as chaotic, flawed, and reveals longing for the "order" which mainly means a high priority given to one strong leader. In this shared social perspective, moral and economic issues are (at best) of secondary importance while Soviet times and current Russia are seen positively through a pragmatic and even a nostalgic prism. Finally, the third perspective, which could be called the traditional morality discourse, cherish the so-called traditional values such as respect of life, family, religion, ethnic identity, and condemns the Soviet regime in which these values were suppressed. These three shared social perspectives could be respectively linked with the ideologies of social liberalism, authoritarianism, and conservatism. However, emphasizing the authenticity of these perspectives, the interconnections should be deliberated and not too much binding. Most important, these perspectives could be regarded as an evidence of coherent political thinking in Lithuanian society – internally coherent political belief systems are found, and they are shared by society members.

A s it could be seen, two superschemas can be defined (ignoring the level of abstraction though) – one based on loosely called moral principles (different notions of justice and traditional value-loaded belief systems), and one based on rational evaluation of efficiency (both of these superstructures are found behind both issues: behind possibly more economic, efficient-related field of progressive taxes, and the traditionally more moral-related topic of abortion abolition). This empirical evidence could add to the more normative discussion on blurring lines between different principles marking specific political fields. Hence in this article the logic of arguments which leads to formation of specific positions on two policy issues in Lithuania is explored. Although this pilot research lacks representativeness and final list of cognitive schemas possible, it still not only registers main arguments on two issues, but also adds to deeper knowledge of the electorate, possible forecasts of political attitudes and, finally, may strengthen the ground for more meaningful communication between political elite and citizenry.

A s it could be seen, two superschemas can be defined (ignoring the level of abstraction though) – one based on loosely called moral principles (different notions of justice and traditional value-loaded belief systems), and one based on rational evaluation of efficiency (both of these superstructures are found behind both issues: behind possibly more economic, efficient-related field of progressive taxes, and the traditionally more moral-related topic of abortion abolition). This empirical evidence could add to the more normative discussion on blurring lines between different principles marking specific political fields. Hence in this article the logic of arguments which leads to formation of specific positions on two policy issues in Lithuania is explored. Although this pilot research lacks representativeness and final list of cognitive schemas possible, it still not only registers main arguments on two issues, but also adds to deeper knowledge of the electorate, possible forecasts of political attitudes and, finally, may strengthen the ground for more meaningful communication between political elite and citizenry.

A s it could be seen, two superschemas can be defined (ignoring the level of abstraction though) – one based on loosely called moral principles (different notions of justice and traditional value-loaded belief systems), and one based on rational evaluation of efficiency (both of these superstructures are found behind both issues: behind possibly more economic, efficient-related field of progressive taxes, and the traditionally more moral-related topic of abortion abolition). This empirical evidence could add to the more normative discussion on blurring lines between different principles marking specific political fields. Hence in this article the logic of arguments which leads to formation of specific positions on two policy issues in Lithuania is explored. Although this pilot research lacks representativeness and final list of cognitive schemas possible, it still not only registers main arguments on two issues, but also adds to deeper knowledge of the electorate, possible forecasts of political attitudes and, finally, may strengthen the ground for more meaningful communication between political elite and citizenry.