The book presents a collection of case studies under the umbrella notion of "politicization of history". The volume offers inspiring, although qualitatively very different material for reflecting on the relations between historical memory and politics, on the ways in which collective memories are shaped, on the manifold actors, private and public, that are involved in these processes. The contributions unwrap different historical, historiographical, and social issues, which allow us to look at this extremely relevant issue, not only for Yugoslav history, from many points of view.
Oggetto del volume curato da Stefano Santoro e Francesco Zavatti è il "mestiere di storico" nei paesi socialisti dell'Europa orientale. I dieci saggi lì raccolti si incaricano quindi di indagare il rapporto che la scrittura e la rappresentazione della storia hanno intrattenuto con il potere politico, nella sua veste comunista della seconda metà del Novecento europeo. I contributi sono tutti ben costruiti e dall'alto contenuto informativo, offrendo numerosi spunti di riflessione. A questi si aggiungono, nella tradizione della collana in cui il volume è apparso, alcune "bussole", ossia brevi ma incisivi testi che aiutano il lettore a orientarsi all'interno di macrotematiche e categorie interpretative utili alla riflessione generale. In questo caso si tratta delle "vie nazionali al socialismo" nel Sud-est Europa (Alberto Basciani), del "culto della personalità" (Fabio Bettanin), della nozione di "revisionismo" (Mark Sandle). Invece che discutere singolarmente i singoli contributi, al prezzo di non restituire in maniera equilibrata il contenuto di ogni saggio, la presente recensione proverà a seguire alcune delle sollecitazioni che derivate dalla lettura del volume nel suo complesso.
L'articolo si incarica di leggere la transizione post-bellica in Jugoslavia alla luce del conflitto sociale inteso in senso lato, considerando cioè le tensioni, i discorsi e le misure ufficiali prese per gestire i soggetti marginali della società (prostitute, elemosinanti, disoccupati, artisti girovaghi e venditori ambulanti). L'obiettivo è quello di testare, da questo punto di vista, le tesi più recenti sui "confini fantasma", sui lasciti post-imperiali, sulla "lunga Prima guerra mondiale" (1911-23). Un secondo obiettivo è quello di valutare in che misura l'approccio maggiormente utilizzato in storiografia per interpretare l'esperienza della prima Jugoslavia, ossia focalizzandosi sui conflitti nazionali, sia utile per illuminare la transizione postbellica di quel paese. Verranno presi in esame anzitutto due casi di studio: le politiche nei confronti della prostituzione e dell'accattonaggio. La tesi che si vuole sostenere è che anche in questi ambiti numerosi elementi discorsivi, dispositivi giuridici e strutture istituzionali del periodo interbellico sono sì sorti in epoca tardo-ottocentesca (e quindi per alcune regioni tardo-imperiale), ma che essi cambiarono il loro ruolo, e ad essi se ne aggiunsero di nuovi. La questione nazionale, inoltre, sembra giocare un ruolo marginale. Sembra piuttosto assai utile indagare la storia interbellica di questo paese, come dell'intero Sud-est europeo, inquadrandolo all'interno dei progetti di disciplinamento e ingegneria sociale. La regione si rivela allora assai moderna e ben integrata nel quadro inter- e transnazionale europeo.
Le présent article a pour objectif d'illustrer deux thèses principales. D'une part, les institutions laïques ont été créées dans les grandes villes de la Yougoslavie de l'entre-deux-guerres pour lutter contre le phénomène de la mendicité urbaine, très répandu à l'époque, en reprenant à leur compte des discours et des pratiques héritées en partie de la période « pré-yougoslave ». D'autre part, les associations philanthropiques ont joué un rôle important non seulement en termes d'aide aux mendiants, mais également de répression de la mendicité. À partir de l'analyse de trois études de cas, à savoir Zagreb, Belgrade et Sarajevo, cet article montre comment les organisations caritatives privées yougoslaves ont évolué pendant l'entre-deux-guerres, brouillant parfois les frontières entre philanthropie et police.
The article investigates the visual dimension of popular protests in Habsburg Croatia at the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth century, reconstructing the history of a precise pattern of popular protest, i.e. anti-Hungarian unrests. Furthermore, the article explores the relationships that peasant masses established with some key national symbols, namely the Hungarian and Croatian flag, showing the multiple and contested meaning assigned to them by the members of the elite and the peasants. Second, the article shows how popular reception of these visual symbols changed during the examined period. The main issues addressed are therefore the mass nationalization and politicization of rural population in these regions, raising some general questions related to the symbolic language of social conflict.
AbstractThis article analyses the establishment of a network of hostels for unemployed workers in Yugoslavia between the two world wars. The analysis investigates the legal, political, and institutional background to these hostels, and how they were conceived and financed. By looking at the development of a new public social policy from the perspective of the jobless, the article aims to examine the nature, goals, and especially the boundaries of a modern provision for Yugoslav workers, namely its strategies and practices of social inclusion and exclusion. The article reveals how a modern concept of unemployment gradually emerged. These hostels were not part of a traditional policy on poverty; they were the expression of a new and more modern form of social policy. The article further shows how new social differences and distances between "non-working" people were created, and what specific impact those differences and distances had on the functioning of these institutions.
The main goal of the German Prostitution Act of 2002 to improve the human and labor rights of sex workers has not been achieved. The gradual substitution of German sex workers with migrants, most of whom stem from Central and Eastern Europe and former Soviet Union countries, is overlooked, since multiple sex workers from these countries are, in reality, not covered by the Act; victims of human trafficking are also not adequately protected by current legislation. The issue is complex and regulation requires policy makers in Germany and the EU to address it together with human trafficking and migration issues.
Die gigantischen Kräne der Werften in Gdynia und in Pula waren bis vor Kurzem der Stolz dieser Städte. In Polen entstanden 300 Meter lange Ozeanriesen, in Kroatien Schiffe, auf denen Tausende Schafe lebend aus Neuseeland nach Europa transportiert werden konnten – Meerwasserentsalzungsanlage inklusive. Doch all der Erfindungsreichtum und das im Sozialismus eingeübte Improvisationstalent halfen nichts: Bald nach dem EU-Beitritt gingen die Werften pleite, auch weil in Brüssel das Wettbewerbsrecht mehr zählt als eine global orientierte Industriepolitik. Das Team um Ulf Brunnbauer und Philipp Ther taucht tief ein in den Alltag der beiden Werften. Die Sozialwissenschaftler und Historiker rekonstruieren ihren Niedergang und analysieren die große Transformation, die Europa seit den siebziger Jahren erschüttert.
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